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Language is a powerful yet deceptive thing. It can be used to convey someone's plight and it can also be used to hide unpalatable sordid deeds. Nowhere are words adulterated more for political ends than in Israel and Palestine today. It is no secret that Israel employs a legion of well-funded propagandists, and it also relies on self-appointed members of the press - the pro bono apologists, who serve the same purpose. Just like the lopsided imbalance of military power, the means to command and change language rests primarily with pro-Israeli propagandists. Their language obfuscates and exculpates Israel's actions against a basically defenseless population; it perpetuates the injustices and contributes to a continuation of Israel's occupation and theft of more land. To make sense of the situation and to peer through the fog, a fraction of the post-Oslo commonly abused terms are translated in this glossary. Read More...
By: Amira Hass
Date: 27/05/2013
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Slain Bedouin girls' mother, a victim of Israeli-Palestinian bureaucracy
Abir Dandis, the mother of the two girls who were murdered in the Negev town of Al-Fura’a last week, couldn't find a police officer to listen to her warnings, neither in Arad nor in Ma’ale Adumim. Both police stations operate in areas where Israel wants to gather the Bedouin into permanent communities, against their will, in order to clear more land for Jewish communities. The dismissive treatment Dandis received shows how the Bedouin are considered simply to be lawbreakers by their very nature. But as a resident of the West Bank asking for help for her daughters, whose father was Israeli, Dandis faced the legal-bureaucratic maze created by the Oslo Accords. The Palestinian police is not allowed to arrest Israeli civilians. It must hand suspects over to the Israel Police. The Palestinian police complain that in cases of Israelis suspected of committing crimes against Palestinian residents, the Israel Police tend not to investigate or prosecute them. In addition, the town of Al-Azaria, where Dandis lives, is in Area B, under Palestinian civilian authority and Israeli security authority. According to the testimony of Palestinian residents, neither the IDF nor the Israel Police has any interest in internal Palestinian crime even though they have both the authority and the obligation to act in Area B. The Palestinian police are limited in what it can do in Area B. Bringing in reinforcements or carrying weapons in emergency situations requires coordination with, and obtaining permission from, the IDF. If Dandis fears that the man who murdered her daughters is going to attack her as well, she has plenty of reason to fear that she will not receive appropriate, immediate police protection from either the Israelis or the Palestinians. Dandis told Jack Khoury of Haaretz that the Ma’ale Adumim police referred her to the Palestinian Civil Affairs Coordination and Liaison Committee. Theoretically, this committee (which is subordinate to the Civil Affairs Ministry) is the logical place to go for such matters. Its parallel agency in Israel is the Civilian Liaison Committee (which is part of the Coordination and Liaison Administration - a part of the Civil Administration under the Coordinator of Government Activities in the Territories). In their meetings, they are supposed to discuss matters such as settlers’ complaints about the high volume of the loudspeakers at mosques or Palestinians’ complaints about attacks by settlers. But the Palestinians see the Liaison Committee as a place to submit requests for permission to travel to Israel, and get the impression that its clerks do not have much power when faced with their Israeli counterparts. In any case, the coordination process is cumbersome and long. The Palestinian police has a family welfare unit, and activists in Palestinian women’s organizations say that in recent years, its performance has improved. But, as stated, it has no authority over Israeli civilians and residents. Several non-governmental women’s groups also operate in the West Bank and in East Jerusalem, and women in similar situations approach them for help. The manager of one such organization told Haaretz that Dandis also fell victim to this confusing duplication of procedures and laws. Had Dandis approached her, she said, she would have referred her to Adalah, the Legal Center for Arab Minority Rights in Israel, which has expertise in navigating Israel’s laws and authorities.
By: Phoebe Greenwood
Date: 27/05/2013
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John Kerry unveils plan to boost Palestinian economy
John Kerry revealed his long-awaited plan for peace in the Middle East on Sunday, hinging on a $4bn (£2.6bn) investment in the Palestinian private sector. The US secretary of state, speaking at the World Economic Forum on the Jordanian shores of the Dead Sea, told an audience including Israeli president Shimon Peres and Palestinian leader Mahmoud Abbas that an independent Palestinian economy is essential to achieving a sustainable peace. Speaking under the conference banner "Breaking the Impasse", Kerry announced a plan that he promised would be "bigger, bolder and more ambitious" than anything since the Oslo accords, more than 20 years ago. Tony Blair is to lead a group of private sector leaders in devising a plan to release the Palestinian economy from its dependence on international donors. The initial findings of Blair's taskforce, Kerry boasted, were "stunning", predicting a 50% increase in Palestinian GDP over three years, a cut of two-thirds in unemployment rates and almost double the Palestinian median wage. Currently, 40% of the Palestinian economy is supplied by donor aid. Kerry assured Abbas that the economic plan was not a substitute for a political solution, which remains the US's "top priority". Peres, who had taken the stage just minutes before, also issued a personal plea to his Palestinian counterpart to return to the negotiations. "Let me say to my dear friend President Abbas," Peres said, "Should we really dance around the table? Lets sit together. You'll be surprised how much can be achieved in open, direct and organised meetings."
By: Jillian Kestler-D'Amours
Date: 27/05/2013
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Isolation Devastates East Jerusalem Economy
Thick locks hug the front gates of shuttered shops, now covered in graffiti and dust from lack of use. Only a handful of customers pass along the dimly lit road, sometimes stopping to check the ripeness of fruits and vegetables, or ordering meat in near-empty butcher shops. “All the shops are closed. I’m the only one open. This used to be the best place,” said 64-year-old Mustafa Sunocret, selling vegetables out of a small storefront in the marketplace near his family’s home in the Muslim quarter of Jerusalem’s Old City. Amidst the brightly coloured scarves, clothes and carpets, ceramic pottery and religious souvenirs filling the shops of Jerusalem’s historic Old City, Palestinian merchants are struggling to keep their businesses alive. Faced with worsening health problems, Sunocret told IPS that he cannot work outside of the Old City, even as the cost of maintaining his shop, with high electricity, water and municipal tax bills to pay, weighs on him. “I only have this shop,” he said. “There is no other work. I’m tired.” Abed Ajloni, the owner of an antiques shop in the Old City, owes the Jerusalem municipality 250,000 Israeli shekels (68,300 U.S. dollars) in taxes. He told IPS that almost every day, the city’s tax collectors come into the Old City, accompanied by Israeli police and soldiers, to pressure people there to pay. “It feels like they’re coming again to occupy the city, with the soldiers and police,” Ajloni, who has owned the same shop for 35 years, told IPS. “But where can I go? What can I do? All my life I was in this place.” He added, “Does Jerusalem belong to us, or to someone else? Who’s responsible for Jerusalem? Who?” Illegal annexation Israel occupied East Jerusalem, including the Old City, in 1967. In July 1980, it passed a law stating that “Jerusalem, complete and united, is the capital of Israel”. But Israel’s annexation of East Jerusalem and subsequent application of Israeli laws over the entire city remain unrecognised by the international community. Under international law, East Jerusalem is considered occupied territory – along with the West Bank, Gaza Strip and Syrian Golan Heights – and Palestinian residents of the city are protected under the Fourth Geneva Convention. Jerusalem has historically been the economic, political and cultural centre of life for the entire Palestinian population. But after decades languishing under destructive Israeli policies meant to isolate the city from the rest of the Occupied Territories and a lack of municipal services and investment, East Jerusalem has slipped into a state of poverty and neglect. “After some 45 years of occupation, Arab Jerusalemites suffer from political and cultural schizophrenia, simultaneously connected with and isolated from their two hinterlands: Ramallah and the West Bank to their east, West Jerusalem and Israel to the west,” the International Crisis Group recently wrote. Israeli restrictions on planning and building, home demolitions, lack of investment in education and jobs, construction of an eight-foot-high separation barrier between and around Palestinian neighbourhoods and the creation of a permit system to enter Jerusalem have all contributed to the city’s isolation. Formal Palestinian political groups have also been banned from the city, and between 2001-2009, Israel closed an estimated 26 organisations, including the former Palestinian Liberation Organisation headquarters in Jerusalem, the Orient House and the Jerusalem Chamber of Commerce. Extreme poverty Israel’s policies have also led to higher prices for basic goods and services and forced many Palestinian business owners to close shop and move to Ramallah or other Palestinian neighbourhoods on the other side of the wall. Many Palestinian Jerusalemites also prefer to do their shopping in the West Bank, or in West Jerusalem, where prices are lower. While Palestinians constitute 39 percent of the city’s population today, almost 80 percent of East Jerusalem residents, including 85 percent of children, live below the poverty line. “How could you develop [an] economy if you don’t control your resources? How could you develop [an] economy if you don’t have any control of your borders?” said Zakaria Odeh, director of the Civic Coalition for Palestinian Rights in Jerusalem, of “this kind of fragmentation, checkpoints, closure”. “Without freedom of movement of goods and human beings, how could you develop an economy?” he asked. “You can’t talk about independent economy in Jerusalem or the West Bank or in all of Palestine without a political solution. We don’t have a Palestinian economy; we have economic activities. That’s all we have,” Odeh told IPS. Israel’s separation barrier alone, according to a new report by the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTD), has caused a direct loss of over one billion dollars to Palestinians in Jerusalem, and continues to incur 200 million dollars per year in lost opportunities. Israel’s severing and control over the Jerusalem-Jericho road – the historical trade route that connected Jerusalem to the rest of the West Bank and Middle East – has also contributed to the city’s economic downturn. Separation of Jerusalem from West Bank Before the First Intifada (Arabic for “uprising”) began in the late 1980s, East Jerusalem contributed approximately 14 to 15 percent of the gross domestic product (GDP) in the Occupied Palestinian territories (OPT). By 2000, that number had dropped to less than eight percent; in 2010, the East Jerusalem economy, compared to the rest of the OPT, was estimated at only seven percent. “Economic separation resulted in the contraction in the relative size of the East Jerusalem economy, its detachment from the remaining OPT and the gradual redirection of East Jerusalem employment towards the Israeli labour market,” the U.N. report found. Decades ago, Israel adopted a policy to maintain a so-called “demographic balance” in Jerusalem and attempt to limit Palestinian residents of the city to 26.5 percent or less of the total population. To maintain this composition, Israel built numerous Jewish-Israeli settlements inside and in a ring around Jerusalem and changed the municipal boundaries to encompass Jewish neighbourhoods while excluding Palestinian ones. It is now estimated that 90,000 Palestinians holding Jerusalem residency rights live on the other side of the separation barrier and must cross through Israeli checkpoints in order to reach Jerusalem for school, medical treatment, work, and other services. “Israel is using all kinds of tools to push the Palestinians to leave; sometimes they are visible, and sometimes invisible tools,” explained Ziad al-Hammouri, director of the Jerusalem Centre for Social and Economic Rights (JCSER). Al-Hammouri told IPS that at least 25 percent of the 1,000 Palestinian shops in the Old City were closed in recent years as a result of high municipal taxes and a lack of customers. “Taxation is an invisible tool…as dangerous as revoking ID cards and demolishing houses,” he said. “Israel will use this as pressure and as a tool in the future to confiscate these shops and properties.”
By the Same Author
Date: 14/09/2004
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Pots and Black kettles: Powell utters the G-word
On September 9, 2004, in front of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, Colin Powell, the US Secretary of State, accused the government of Sudan of genocide as follows: “When we reviewed the evidence compiled by our team, we concluded – I concluded – that genocide has been committed in Darfur and that the Government of Sudan and the Janjaweed bear responsibility, and that genocide may still be occurring.” Consider the context of this statement. The US conducted a war of aggression against Iraq, and it has therefore committed a supreme international crime [1]. Therefore, American leaders – including General Powell – “are guilty of having committed the supreme international crime in Iraq [2].” Furthermore, even while Powell was accusing the Sudanese government, the US military in Iraq were engaged in actions that can only be considered war crimes or worse. So here is General Powell, a mass criminal, accusing the Sudanese government of some retail barbarity. It is not an issue of whether or not such crimes are occurring, but what is revolting is to find Powell sanctimoniously accusing the Sudanese. It is another case of the “pot calling the kettle black.” About Darfur It is likely that some awful things are occurring in the Darfur region, but it may not fall neatly into Powell's characterization. First, part of the conflict in the area was caused due to the changing climate. The desertification of the region, the expanding Sahel, has created a conflict between the “camel herders” and farmers [3]. Second, the characterization of the conflict as one between “Africans” and “Arabs” is stretched by any standard. As Alex de Waal stated: “Despite talk of 'Arabs' and 'Africans', it is rarely possible to tell on the basis of skin color which group an individual Darfurian belongs to. All have lived there for centuries and all are Muslims” [4]. Finally, several countries have been interfering in the region, and it is likely that the US or its surrogates have been arming groups in the region [5]. It is likely that the US may be a party to the crimes occurring in the area. In sum, any claims and accusations about mass crimes occurring in Sudan should be treated with caution, especially when uttered by the US at a time when it may be useful to deflect attention of its own depredations in Iraq. The initial admonishments against Sudan occurred a few days after the main revelations about the US-conducted torture in Iraq. A matter of speed It is of interest to compare General Powell's response to the Darfur “crisis” to his intervention in Israel in April 2002. After issuing his initial warnings about the situation in Darfur, Powell flew in a matter of a few days directly to Sudan to confer with government officials. Even while in Sudan, Powell issued stern public warnings and threats about the alleged mass abuses. In contrast, in 2002 Powell's reaction to Ariel Sharon's depredations in the West Bank, including the flattening of the Jenin refugee camp, was very different. Here Powell's reaction entailed making several stops in Morocco, Syria… en route to Jerusalem, arriving only after Sharon had finished his gory deeds in Jenin. While ostensibly Powell went to Israel to convey president Bush's message that Israel should “stop its military action immediately”, after his arrival in Jerusalem, Powell suspended his mission for a few days because of a suicide bombing! Even though Powell's mission should have dealt with serious business and possibly issue stern warnings against Sharon, what we witnessed instead was Powell engaged in jovial exchanges with Sharon and his coterie – it was an all-smiles affair. Upon his return, Powell didn't appear in front of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, he didn't pressure the United Nations to threaten sanctions, but instead colluded with the Israelis to sabotage the possibility of a UN fact-finding commission to Jenin – eventually this commission was aborted. Again, Powell demonstrated that double standards apply. Genocide, where have you been? It is also astonishing to see that Powell actually uttered the word “genocide”. A bit of context will be helpful to appreciate the hypocritical heights Powell has scaled. After the Second World War, the United Nations sought to enact a convention against genocide, but the United States did everything in its power to sabotage this convention. First, in the late 1940s, the US sought to wreck and postpone the UN convention on genocide. It managed to have the principal architect of the convention (Raphael Lemkin) removed; it then reduced the scope of the convention thereby eliminating its effectiveness in preventing future genocides. Even after watering-down the convention, the US didn't ratify it, but delayed until 1988 when it ratified it conditionally, and the long list of appended provisos rendered the convention toothless [6]. With this history in mind, it is therefore dubious to find Powell leveling accusations of genocide today. It seems that the US only uses the accusation of genocide when it is useful for its own political gain, and will use this accusation even if there are no indications of genocide under way. (Or alternatively, ignore genocides when they do occur.) During the wars in Bosnia or Kosovo, the accusation of “genocide” was also used, but it is doubtful whether it applied [7]. Some of the alleged mass crimes seem to have been perpetrated by the Bosnians or Kosovars themselves! The tribunal set up to deal with the crimes in ex-Yugoslavia also attests to the US's cynicism in this matter. The tribunal was set up to deal specifically with Bosnia/Kosovo, but not within a framework where future mass crimes could be prosecuted; it is another case where selective justice is diminished justice. Attention deficits Journalists or editors often claim that the public can only pay attention to one or two issues at a time. When an event occurs in say, Sudan, it means that the coverage of events in Iraq will be reduced. And here we see the real reason Powell has sought to level the accusation of genocide against Sudan. Powell seems to have lent himself for a propaganda campaign to divert the public's attention from the on-going war in Iraq and the Israeli depredations in the occupied territories. In February 2003, he played along with the grotesque leveling of fraudulent accusations against Iraq at the Security Council, and now he is doing it again to deflect attention from unsavory aspects of the US-wars. The US election is also upon us, and it is important to divert the electorate's attention from the key issue in the election. Oh, hatred! An often-heard question in the US is “why do they hate us?” The answer is becoming increasingly clear to Americans [8]. Performances like Powell's indicate that US foreign policy is a mix of cynicism, hypocrisy and sadism. It is not an issue of perceptions, but the on-going war in Iraq, the continuous bombing of Fallujah, the assassination of hundreds of Iraqi intellectuals…, all show that there is a concrete basis to assess American actions around the world. There are ample reasons why people may hate the United States. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- For a detailed discussion of Colin Powell's recent history see: Paul de Rooij's A Political Obituary: Colin Powell, D.O.A., CounterPunch, May 22, 2004. Paul de Rooij can be contacted at proox@hotmail.com (NB: all attachments will be automatically deleted). ©2004 Paul de Rooij -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Endnotes 1. Michael Mandel, How America Gets Away With Murder: Illegal wars, collateral damage and crimes against humanity, Pluto Press 2004, p. 5. This is a very important book clarifying many of the issues about the applicability of international law and the American implication in major crimes. 2. Mandel, ibid, p. 6. 3. Alex de Waal, Counter-Insurgency on the Cheap, London Review of Books, Vol. 26 No. 15 dated 5 August 2004. This is an excellent article demonstrating that the situation is not “black & white” as depicted by Powell, but one with a degree of complexity and a long history. 4. de Waal, ibid. 5. Pierre Abramovici, United States: the new scramble for Africa, Le Monde Diplomatique, July 2004. (unfortunately, the web version [paid subscription] doesn't contain the map). 6. Ward Churchill, A Little Matter of Genocide, City Lights Books, 1997. For an excellent discussion of the American machinations surrounding the genocide convention see pp. 363 – 393. 7. Diana Johnstone, Fools' Crusade, Pluto Press, London, 2002. 8. See for example: Paul J. Balles, Why does the rest of the world hate you and me?, Sept. 9, 2004. Date: 28/07/2004
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Palestinian Misery in Perspective
This article first appeared on www.dissidentvoice.org on June 5, 2004 The media usually focuses on the latest casualty and quickly forgets those who died even a few days before. The American media in particular has a Dracula-like predilection for warm bodies, and no interest in cases where blood has already dried. Unfortunately this ahistoric focus on the last victim hides the scale of mass crimes and the responsibility of various perpetrators. Whether in Iraq, Palestine, Colombia, or Haiti, it is necessary to locate human rights abuses in a wider context to appreciate the scale of what is occurring on the ground. In the case of Palestinian casualties, it is all too evident that CNN, BBC, and most other major media are mostly interested in today's casualties: they seem to studiously ignore precedents, and above all, they will not refer to the pattern of killings as systematic in nature. Of course, admitting that such killings are systematic would imply that Israel is committing “crimes against humanity”, a precursor to genocide. When the media seeks to whitewash “friendly” mass crimes, there is a tendency to fixate on specific instances to the exclusion of broad patterns. Even when a pattern of killings and other abuses is chronic and systematic, the BBC/CNN will tend to focus on specific cases without reference to broader trends. When referring to Palestinian conditions, what we find is that reports of casualties, house demolitions, and dispossession in these media outlets pertain to specific cases and not to general patterns. [1] Incidentally, the opposite is true when there is an incident of Palestinian violence; here lists and charts are available to highlight their context. The chosen context can be used to obfuscate the reality on the ground. The tools at the media's disposal can be likened to an instrument of variable magnification ranging from a wide-angle lens to a telescope. Informative journalism requires using the most appropriate level of magnification for the story under investigation. On the other hand, propaganda requires contextual blurring and the use of inappropriate tools. Thus, it is best to use a telescope to view the stars, and clearly, a wide-angle lens is the wrong tool. In the case of Palestinian casualties, it is evident that the mainstream media are intent on presenting news using a telescope (preferably out of focus), when a wide-angle lens should be used. The tables and graphs below put the Palestinian casualty toll into perspective over the course of the second intifada. These graphs speak for themselves, revealing a pattern that is all too evident. These graphs are meant to fill a gap in the available data pertaining to the casualty toll during the second intifada. Average death tolls and an interpretationDuring the course of the second intifada, the average number of Palestinians killed stands at 2.26 per day. The total killed between September 29, 2000 and May 31, 2004 is 3,023. To interpret these numbers one must scale these figures to make them comparable to understand what they would mean in the context of our own countries. This is the purpose of the table below.
An average daily fatality rate of 2.26 would proportionally equate to 177 deaths per day in the US. Similarly, the total Palestinian fatalities of 3,023 would equate to 236,938 in the US. One wonders how Americans would react if they experienced such a fatality rate, i.e., they would suffer a 9-11 death toll every two weeks. One suspects that there would be a level of mass hysteria, and rightly so. Actually, Americans are prone to suffer from mass hysteria with far less provocation. The Washington DC snipers killed ten and wounded three during a three-week “killing spree”; this is relatively minuscule when compared with the Palestinian experience. However, the media stoked a level of mass hysteria about these killings; Americans were even afraid to fill up their SUVs at the gas station — heavens! Americans are entitled to their hysteria about sniper killings, but then they should be aware that they finance the Israel military machine and support Ariel Sharon to the hilt, and therefore they have direct responsibility in the killing of 2.26 Palestinians per day (on average), something that would translate to 177 deaths per day in their society. While in the US such numbers would be abhorrent, when it comes to Palestine, Americans even provide the bullets and untold billions of dollars in funding. While the US justifies “preventive” wars, the abrogation of democracy, etc., after suffering 3,000 fatalities during 9-11, it lambastes and demonizes a brutalized Palestinian population which is suffering a death toll that is several orders of magnitude higher in terms of a scaled fatality rate. Before anyone objects to the use of these scaled numbers, consider that Israel has frequently used such statistics for its own ends – referring exclusively to Israeli casualties. [2] Average fatalities per monthGraph 1 plots the average death toll per month during the second intifada. It has fluctuated depending on Sharon's willingness to play along with “peace processes” and temporarily alternating with his proclivities to demolish Palestinian hopes for an independent state. Thus during the attack on the West Bank in April 2002, about eight Palestinians were killed every day. [3] While it was convenient for Sharon to play along with the Aqaba peace negotiation appearances, only 0.3 Palestinians were killed per day – the lowest level during the intifada. ![]()
And the woundedEven when the mainstream media will say something about fatalities, the wounded are mostly ignored. However, consider that Israel uses heavy-duty battlefield weaponry against a mostly defenseless population in densely populated civilian neighborhoods, where the effect of these weapons on their victims is devastating. Even the so-called non-lethal bullets create harrowing wounds; even tear gas can be fatal or cause permanent lung damage. There are tens of thousands of wounded with permanent disabilities: blindness, paraplegia, as well as loss of limbs. These numbers are staggering, and a tremendous burden for a society already on the edge.
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The nature of the woundsWhile at the beginning of the intifada a significant percentage of the casualties were shot with so-called non-lethal bullets, the ratio of casualties due to this type of weaponry has fallen significantly. It is increasingly rare to find Israeli soldiers using “plastic bullets” (in reality plastic-coated-bullets); the predilection today is to use “high-velocity bullets”. Graph 3 shows that the percentage of injuries due to “live ammunition” has increased steadily. In other words, this implies that the use of “non-lethal” bullets/weapons has fallen over time. However, the graph hides some increasing trends. Someone wounded by a missile fired by an Apache helicopter enters the “other” category, and hence it doesn't register as “live ammunition”. The reason why the “live ammo” ratio has fallen during the past few months is directly attributable to wounds caused by helicopter or tank fire. The graph (not shown) with the “other” category as a ratio of total injuries shows a steady increase.
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Injuries and deaths Graph 4 shows the number of injuries in relation to deaths over the same period. Thus at the beginning of the intifada there were a large number of injuries for each fatality, and this ratio has fallen steadily. The reason behind the dropping trend is the changing nature of the confrontation. Whereas at the beginning there were many popular demonstrations with a large number of ensuing wounded victims, this has steadily given way to sniper fire, helicopter or tank fire. The latter is more lethal, and the resulting ratio of injuries to fatalities tends to be lower. A reduction in this ratio sometimes implies an increase in the lethality of the Israeli tactics: they are increasingly shooting to kill.
![]() Interference with medical treatmentA clear crime committed against Palestinians is the destruction of ambulances, abuse of ambulance staff, and the impediment of access to medical treatment. The summary statistics during the intifada are the following:
The Palestine Red Crescent Society, keeps meticulous statistics and it is worth studying this graph. If one found that the most of the damage occurred during the April 2002 attack, then maybe this would be understandable. However, the recurrent pattern is a steady interference and destruction of Palestinian ambulances; the graph makes this very clear. Even though a so-called peace process was kicked off in July 2003, the level of ambulance destruction continued unabated. One could easily imagine the howls of indignation and disgust if Palestinians were to shoot up an Israeli ambulance or just impede its access. However, destruction of these increasingly important vehicles, or even their commandeering by the Israeli military is a media nonevent. Is it Genocide?It is evident that Israel under Ariel Sharon is pursuing relentless campaign that aims to drive the Palestinians off the land and dispossess an ever-greater number of people. The construction of the wall is proof that this policy is being implemented. Driving armored Caterpillar bulldozers through refugee camps obviously entails a casualty toll. Similarly, the usually violent suppression of the demonstrations against this policy conjures its own grim statistics. From the graphs we detect a pattern: the repression is systematic and gradually increases the severity of its methods – this is especially apparent after July 2003. In Ariel Sharon's calculus, and with American blessing, the dispossession and repression of the Palestinians can continue as long as it is performed gradually with a slowly increasing rate. So, mass abuses are occurring in the occupied territories today; these are chronic, and indeed systematic. When the scale, intent and period are taken into account, then one can only conclude that Israel's policy is genocidal. [5] Please note that this is not a conclusion that could only have been reached recently. In December 2, 2000, Francis Boyle, a professor of International Law at Univ. Illinois, Urbana-Champaign, stated:
So, who will take responsibility for blowing the whistle and classifying Israeli actions as genocide? Unfortunately, this has to be determined by the UN Commission on Human Rights or the General Assembly, and the legal basis for the classification of genocide is the UN convention against Genocide. [7] There are numerous obstacles before the UN will take any action because of this arrangement. Via a private communication with senior UN personnel, we discover that there has been no movement whatsoever at the UN to determine if Israel's policies are genocidal, confirming that the UN's role in preventing genocide is hopeless. It is very likely that the UN will not move at all regarding Palestine. The explanation for the UN's inaction has much to do with the US's role at the UN; this has been less than constructive, and it will pressure member countries to avoid issuing a “genocide” warning. [8] One only has to remember the US efforts prior to February 2004 to block the International Court of Justice's hearings on the land-grab wall; to defend its client it attempted to obstruct this international legal body. Furthermore, the UN convention against genocide is very narrowly defined and it is almost the case that genocide can only be determined after the fact. The convention almost guarantees that there will be no action to prevent genocide or stem an on-going genocide. Finally, the insufferable Kofi Annan is known for his callousness and inaction in the face of mass slaughter. As head of UN peacekeeping forces during the Rwandan genocide, he was instrumental in delaying and obstructing UN action. As Michael Hourigan, a UN war crimes investigator in Rwanda, stated: “consistently, repeatedly people like Kofi Annan failed to act.” And the UN's Carlson Commission, an internal inquiry about the Rwandan genocide, actually blamed Kofi Annan and the unit he led. [9] Annan's record of inaction bodes ill for the UN to engage in any action to lend international protection to the Palestinians, a population that has been brutalized for many decades. Further reading
Paul de Rooij can be contacted at proox@hotmail.com (NB: all attachments will be deleted automatically). ©2004 Paul de Rooij Data Sources
The data used in this article originates from the
Palestinian Red Crescent Society – with one small modification
discussed below. This is a high quality database and the origin of its
data is from the PRCS hospitals and medical staff. The numbers are
conflict-related deaths and injuries, which includes all Palestinian
killed or injured irrespective of cause. PRCS numbers are closely
related to the Health Ministry numbers, but they are not the same. The
Palestine Authority is now publishing its numbers on its website, and
data quality has improved over time. The PA's statistics can be found
here. Finally, the
Palestine Monitor also publishes good quality data and can be
found
here. The total casualty numbers of these three sources are not
equal, yet there is only a minor discrepancy. Part of the reason for the
discrepancy has to do with the reported numbers during the April 2002
attack. In many instances, there was no access to hospitals, victims
were buried without adequate record keeping, or victims were removed by
the Israeli army. PRCS's approach has been to zero out most of the
entries of this period, and thus understates the total casualty figures.
The Palestine Monitor has imputed some numbers to this period based on
interviews with residents and victim exhumations. The approach taken in
this article was to use Palestine Monitor data for the months that were
zeroed out by PRCS. This makes a difference of 19 fatalities.
[1] The opposite also happens. That is, if confronted by a particularly
egregious Israeli crime, this can be whitewashed by placing it in a
wider context. Alternatively, Israeli actions can be juxtaposing with
Palestinian violence – thus the Israelis are only responding. |
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