A few nights ago Ramallah again witnessed a clash of civilizations. I was dropping off keys to one of my friends who was sitting with a group of people at the Sangaria restaurant, when all of a sudden the place was hit with chaos. Protestors on the street outside were slamming on the glass windows and yelling, “Close down!” The people at Sangaria’s were startled and afraid and began running around in the restaurant as if Israeli forces were the ones outside. The different attitudes between the people sitting in the cafe and the people screaming outside was indescribable. It was as though we were not from the same place or shared the same aspirations. The people inside were relaxing and chatting; seemingly without a care in the world. The people outside were agitated and furious; surely riled up by some powerful event. On my way back out I overheard a couple bickering, “How does the death of a prisoner justify attacking a restaurant? They can’t just do this!” the husband said. “Shame on us! When we were young we were the ones closing such places down. We should be with these people freeing Palestine and not dining on nachos and cheese sticks!” his wife growled back. These protesters were closing down one place after the other that night and demanding people take to the streets and carry out a national three-day strike for the sake of the prisoners in Israeli jails. The protesters were angry and baffled by the nonchalance of Ramallah residents. The strike barely lasted for a few hours in Ramallah. It was actually over before it started – and the idea of it stretching over three days never caught on or was even mentioned for that matter. To Israel, Arafat Jaradat was a pilot study with the question being: What would happen to the political situation if Israel let the prisoners on hunger strike literally die from starvation? The results were clear and without reserve. Absolutely nothing. The fact that a 30-year-old Palestinian was brutally beaten to death wasn’t even worth a couple of hours of protest, let alone a full-day of economic strike. I turned on the news to hear the head of the Palestinian Prisoner’s Club and former PA minister, Qaddura Fares describing the prisoner death as a catalyst for a third Palestinian Intifada. I thought, ‘Finally, enough is enough.’ In my opinion, a third Intifada is extremely necessary, however it can only occur if it is sincere. Officials, whether Palestinian or Israeli, should not be announcing an Intifada in the media and provoking the people with propaganda. Once an Intifada erupts, only because the people want it to, then leaders can discuss how it should be handled. If the Palestinian people want an Intifada, then it’s going to be inevitable, and only to their benefit. Both the PA and Israel want to maintain a certain level of stability in the West Bank, even if for different reasons. An uprising may bring about the collapse of the PA which is presently faced with three different options. The first is to try and stop the masses from revolting. If the Palestinians unite and revolt and the PA is forced to intervene, it will become a government against its own people and a body against its own agenda as a liberation organization. The second option is to do nothing, which again may lead to their downfall because they will simply be taken out of the equation. The third option is to revolt with the people, again putting its existence in jeopardy as it will completely lose international recognition and its standing with Israel, the EU and the USA. Nevertheless, government officials are discussing it in order to maintain a nationalistic face in front of their own people. Enough is enough. I don’t understand who else has to be brutally beaten to death, what lands still have to be raped and robbed, how many trees have to be set ablaze and burned, how many more settlements must expand, or how many more false promises and lies we will have to swallow – for there to be a change. It is time for all Palestinians to unite, leadership and the people together. Whether it is through an Intifada or other means, the ultimate goal has to be to end the occupation and free Palestine. Mayse Jarbawi is a Writer for the Media and Information Department at the Palestinian Initiative for the Promotion of Global Dialogue and Democracy (MIFTAH). She can be contacted at mid@miftah.org.
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By: Fatmeh Hammad
Date: 09/08/2022
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Implications of the Israeli Occupation on Women's Security in Occupied Jerusalem
Introduction: Since the 1990s, the international community’s view regarding conflicts developed in terms of encompassing broader aspects, and its perspective was no longer confined to threats against a state and its sovereignty. This included observing the ramifications of conflicts on individuals and their welfare, especially among the less fortunate segments of society. Accordingly, the term “Human Security” came to replace the previously used term “Security”. That term (i.e., Human Security) was first mentioned in a 1994 report issued by the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP). Its introduction helped create a new perspective towards militarization and armed conflicts, thus expanding the traditional view of security to include individual security in addition to state security. Until now, there is no consensus regarding a particular definition of “Human Security”. Nevertheless, this term involves two main aspects, namely: freedom from fear and freedom from want. Due to important changes in the international arena, United Nations Security Council Resolution (UNSCR) 1325 was issued in the year 2000. This resolution examines the multiplier effect of conflicts on women in four main aspects: protection, prevention, participation, and accountability. However, this resolution – which was followed by a number of similar subsequent resolutions which promote the implementation of the Women, Peace, and Security agenda – did not explicitly refer to the Occupation as a threat to human security, especially with regard to women. Rather, it sufficed by mentioning the “state of conflict”, which is legally different from the case of military occupation. Moreover, it was noticed that UNSCR 1325 and its subsequent resolutions mainly focused on sexual crimes. The “Women, Peace and Security” agenda is considered a broad field. It includes the concept of “Human Security”, as referred to in the 1994 United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) report, and later developed to include conflict and post-conflict situations. Seeing that Palestinian women have been suffering from occupation and its association violence since the establishment of Israel on Palestinian soil in 1948, substantial efforts were exerted to promote the Women, Peace and Security agenda and implement the related international resolutions in the Palestinian homeland. However, this requires a clear definition of “Security” and its determinants, components, and measurability. This study aims to reach a definition of “Human Security” and specify its components and framework in order to highlight the violations of the Israeli occupation under that definition. In particular, we try to assess the effects of the Israeli occupation on the security of Palestinian women in Occupied Jerusalem. This study is based on the premise that the Occupation is the main cause of human insecurity in Palestine, especially vis-à-vis Palestinian women in Occupied Jerusalem. Based on the aforementioned aspects, the study (through three research sections) will attempt to answer the following question: What is the effect of the Israeli military occupation of Jerusalem on the human security of Palestinians, especially women? The first section studies the concept of Human Security and its components. The second section highlights the human rights violations perpetrated by the Israeli occupation in Jerusalem in light of the human security concept. As for the third section, it examines the impact of the Israeli occupation and its practices on Palestinian women, with special emphasis on the Women, Peace and Security agenda. The term “Human Security” emerged in the early 1990s as a result of several humanitarian crises and conflicts in the aftermath of the Cold War. Since that time, human security came to be considered an approach that can be widely implemented. As previously noted, the term “Human Security” was first mentioned by a UNDP report in 1994, whereby it includes the following aspects: economic security, food security, health security, environmental security, personal security, community security, and political security, respectively. Unfortunately, the international community did not until this moment specify a single consensual definition of the term “Human Security”. However, everyone acknowledges its connection to human rights and the attainment of development. Therefore, conflicts, armed conflicts, and Occupation threaten human security as they directly jeopardize human rights and prevent individual and community development. First Section: Concept of Human Security and its Connection to Military Occupation: This section reviews the concept of Human Security, especially in light of military occupation. It also examines the components of human security as set forth in the UNDP report of 1994, in order to create a reference point to assess the fragility of human security in Occupied Jerusalem and its connection to ongoing human rights abuses. This will be analyzed in light of the Women, Peace and Security agenda and the relevant United Nations resolutions. This section aims to answer the following sub-questions:
Definition of Human Security: The term “Human Security” in its modern sense shifted the focus from states to individuals. Hence, the need for intervention and protection was no longer confined to military threats but also encompassed the individual realm, protection of basic human rights, and the achievement of welfare. It is also worth noting that human security does not mean the absence of threats but protection from different threats. Thus, the most accurate definition of “Human Security” is “freedom from fear and freedom from want”, whereas freedom from fear is based on the traditional meaning of security related to protecting individuals from the use of force or violence or threats to one’s life. The latter acts require serious procedures to hold the perpetrators of international crimes accountable before the International Criminal Court (ICC). This is also in line with UNSCR 1325 on Women, Peace and Security, which calls for upholding accountability mechanisms and ending the impunity of those who commit crimes against humanity. On the other hand, freedom from want is more broadly related to human security; it considers security threats as a threat to people’s welfare. Therefore, the concept of Human Security poses several questions beyond individuals’ protection from existential threats by finding ways to enhance safety in their daily lives, at home, and in the street and community. However, this should be done without losing sight of the linkage between violence, lack of security, and human rights violations. The Human Security approach is considered an integrated one and the international community deals with it in a coherent manner without fragmenting the needs of individuals. They [i.e., the international community] also do not deal with Human Security in a hierarchical manner but focus on the basic rights and freedoms. Therefore, United Nations plans and developmental goals have embedded human security principles in order to reach a “world free of poverty, hunger, disease and want, free of fear and violence, with equitable and universal access to quality education, health care and social protection, where human habitats are safe, resilient and sustainable”. Components of Human Security: Human Security is about meeting basic human needs in the environmental, health, food, community, and political spheres, while focusing not only on conflict situations but also on issues of fair trade, access to health care, patent rights, access to education, and basic freedoms. Recently, the international community became more open to the concept of Human Security and their relevant vision is entrenched through seven dimensions mentioned by the UNDP report of 1994. The said report indicated that the main categories of Human Security are as follows: economic; food; health; environmental; personal; community; and political security, thus expanding the notion of security and going beyond the traditional view of security (the traditional view focused on protecting the land from external aggression and protecting national foreign policy interests). Due to this approach, the goal shifted from state security to individual security, thus enhancing the linkage between security and sustainable development. The “Human Security” term was thus expanded to include security from perennial threats - such as hunger, disease, and oppression - and protection from the sudden and harmful disruption of daily life patterns. The concept of Human Security promotes the protection of all human beings in ways that enhance human freedoms and human realization. Therefore, the framework of human security includes several aspects, such as food, environment, housing, and human rights. Human Security in light of the Occupation: “The gross violations of human rights and the wide-scale displacement of civilian populations constitute a direct threat to human security.” Military occupation involves multiple forms of human insecurity, whereas this form of occupation is characterized by violence and lack of security from one side and underdevelopment and poverty from another. In this regard, Arab Human Development Report 2009 indicates that military occupation threatens human security on three levels: institutionally, structurally, and materially/physically, as follows:
Therefore, military occupation contravenes basic human rights, systematically leads to human insecurity, disrupts human development, and substantially undermines people’s lives and freedoms. This negatively affects people’s income, employment, nutrition, health, education, and environment, leading to a lack of human security and affecting its various components. The said report mentions the compound impacts of military occupation on human security, as follows:
The aforementioned report also states that the progress in sustainable development is slower in fragile and conflict-ridden countries, especially those suffering from occupation; where violence is rampant and a distrust is seen between different individuals and institutions. The report proposes an approach that focuses on attaining human security, prevents the exacerbation of crises, and identifies the causes of emerging crises. Therefore, achieving human security in such circumstances is only possible by tackling the main causes and seeking to end the Occupation. Relationship of Human Security with the Human Rights System: Human Security emerged as a concept that was greatly affected by and related to conflict. This concept was introduced to urge states and policy makers to focus on vital issues and provide the maximum level of protection to civilians. It is also worth noting that protection is not limited to protecting human lives and providing the minimum level of services. The relationship of human security with the human rights system stems from international humanitarian law. This is because human security necessitates protection, which is strongly rooted in the human rights system (which highlights “the responsibility of protection in times of armed conflict”). The subject of protection was strongly emphasized in international humanitarian law, especially the Geneva Conventions, which underscores the need to protect people from potential violence. Therefore, when civilians are subjected to harm or injury, the international community is obligated to assist them because the protection of civilians in times of conflict is among the main issues of human security. The concept of Human Security is also related to post-conflict peacebuilding, which promotes and strengthens respect and adherence to international humanitarian law and International Criminal Court (ICC), along with exerting efforts to protect civilians in conflict situations and holding perpetrators of war crimes accountable and ending their impunity. Moreover, the concept of Human Security is similar to human rights principles, especially the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. The logic of human security is also based on supporting development; and it includes economic security, political security, and the right of human beings to have an adequate standard of living. Therefore, human security cannot be isolated from the discourse of the human rights system in times of peace and times of conflict. However, human security is characterized by being more implementable and practicable. It also leads to more effectiveness and justice because it is not only concerned with protecting and preserving people’s rights, but also on developing these rights. The notion of Human Security also takes the issue of social exclusion into consideration, and it highlights the impact of social inequality on development. Therefore, it addresses the exclusion of minorities and the multiplier effects on marginalized groups (including their deprivation of accessing basic public services). Hence, human security calls for providing services to meet the needs of these groups, while taking their different circumstances into consideration. This comes as part of a holistic development vision to reach the most marginalized communities and enhance welfare and social harmony, while aiming to make significant achievements in different countries. These aspects led to a shift in global attention. Hence, the United Nations Security Council adopted a number of resolutions that cover broader aspects of protecting the rights of marginalized groups in conflict situations, such as countering the deliberate use of rape as a war strategy and considering sexual violence a war crime. Second Section: Human Rights Violations in Occupied Jerusalem and their Ramifications on Human Security: The conclusions of the first section indicate the presence of a direct correlation between human security and the human rights condition. For example, an improvement in the human rights condition will lead to a better human security status. On the other hand, a rise in human rights violations will show a declining human security status. And in the case of grave human rights violations, the lack of human security (i.e., “human insecurity”) is likely to be seen. This section underlines the main human rights violations committed against Palestinians in East Jerusalem in light of the Human Security concept. In this context, we will assess the impact of these violations on human security and its components. This is done while taking gender aspects into consideration, such as examining the effects of these violations on Palestinian women in East Jerusalem. We will therefore highlight five major violations of the rights of Palestinians in occupied East Jerusalem, namely: the closure of cultural institutions and preventing cultural activities; extrajudicial killings; house demolitions; restricting economic rights; and attacking civilians in public spaces. According to international law, East Jerusalem is under military occupation. Despite the United Nations Security Council’s call for Israeli troops to withdraw from East Jerusalem (as set forth in UNSCR 242), Israel illegally annexed it and imposed its laws on this occupied territory. The Israeli occupation treats the indigenous Palestinian population of Jerusalem as “permanent residents”, while considering Israeli settlers “full citizens”. Israel also enforces Judaization policies on Jerusalem, in violation of basic human rights, such as:
This section aims to answer three sub-questions: What is the “Women, Peace, and Security” agenda? How does the “Women, Peace, and Security” agenda intersect with the international legal system? What is the impact of the Israeli Occupation and its practices on Palestinian Women in light of the “Women, Peace, and Security” agenda? Resolution 1325 was issued by the United Nations Security Council to enhance the role of women in achieving security and peace throughout the world since women are among the most affected segments from armed conflict (hence they should be the most interested to end it). This resolution carries a vision and message of promoting peace and security and ending conflicts around the world, which cannot be reached without the active involvement of women and strengthening their role in decision-making positions. UNSCR 1325 tackles women’s cases in general, particularly those living in conflict areas. This resolution can be applied in Palestine in the following sense: that promoting the status of Palestinian women’s rights and participation cannot be achieved without improving the general human rights condition in occupied Palestinian territories. And since women are the most affected segment from conflicts, the policies and crimes perpetrated by the Israeli occupation have multiplier effects on Palestinian women. Article (9) of UNSCR 1325 calls upon all parties to armed conflict to fully respect and apply the Geneva Convention relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War. It should also be noted that the advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice (ICJ) stipulates that the concept of armed conflict applies to the Palestinian territories, hence the forcible transfer policy adopted by Israeli occupation authorities violates the Geneva Conventions. Moreover, Article (11) of UNSCR 1325 emphasizes the responsibility of all States to put an end to impunity and to prosecute those responsible for human rights violations, especially crimes against humanity, whereas forced displacement is classified as a crime against humanity. It is also worth noting that the different tools of forced displacement can separately constitute other international crimes according to the Rome Statute, which provides other mechanisms to hold the Occupation accountable for its crimes in the occupied territories, especially those which affect women. The security of Palestinian women is linked to the concept of human security and is substantially affected by the human rights situation in the occupied Palestinian territories (oPt). Therefore, women’s security is strongly affected by Israeli policies that severely violate international law. Consequently, it is impossible to improve the Palestinian women’s status without tackling the Occupation’s different practices. The “Women, Peace, and Security” agenda was adopted in Palestine in light of the devastating ramifications of the Israeli occupation on human security. Therefore, the vision is to enforce UNSCR 1325 alongside other international resolutions related to the Palestinian cause. Hence, UNSCR 1325 emerged as a political tool to expose the Israeli’s occupation’s violations/crimes against women, especially in Areas “C” and at checkpoints. Women are the most affected group from the continuation and expansion of [Israeli] settlements, not to mention the violence perpetrated against them in the prevailing patriarchal culture. This means that the aspects related to UNSCR 1325 in Palestine can only be understood in light of other international resolutions related to the Palestinian situation. And since the status of women cannot be separated from the political reality and is part and parcel of the general situation, it is impossible to discuss Palestinian women’s empowerment without addressing the reality in which they live. Thus, the improvement of Palestinian women’s condition is reliant upon their struggle and steadfastness to obtain their basic human rights in light of the ongoing Israeli violations. Therefore, ending the Occupation is the main demand of Palestinian women within the framework of the “Women, Peace, and Security” agenda. The basis of this demand is Article (9) of UNSCR 1325, which states that the relevant international conventions must be applied in conflict areas; as well as Article (11), which calls for activating accountability mechanisms and ending the impunity of criminals. This paper was written by Fatima Hammad, the first scholarship recipient from the Folke Bernadotte Academy (FBA ) of Sweden in support of women, peace and security in memory of Zaida Catalán.
By: MIFTAH
Date: 19/07/2022
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Silwan: Wedding in the rubble of a demolished home
Occupied Jerusalem – Fares Rajabi and his brothers had nothing much to offer their only sister on her wedding day, but to hold her hand while they carefully walked her to her groom, through the rubble of their demolished home. On May 10, Israel’s Jerusalem municipality bulldozers tore their family home to the ground, turning it to dust. Nonetheless, Faris could not hide his joy for his sister, who would be moving to her new husband’s home, now her only shelter, after their family’s house was reduced to rubble and debris. The bride, decked out in white, came out of their demolished home in Ein Al Loza, Silwan, surrounded by her extended family who insisted on being present, not only to share in her happy day but also to thwart Israel’s attempts at ruining her wedding. Earlier, an army patrol car raided the area, almost wrecking the entire day. Residents of Silwan say they were deeply moved by scenes of Fares’s sister as she walked with her brothers among the ruins of her family home. The people of her town gathered around in solidarity with the family and to share in their bittersweet day. Fares’s was just one Rajabi family targeted by Israeli occupation authorities who lived in the same apartment building. In all, 40 people called this building home, which Israeli authorities demolished under the pretext of lacking a building permit. Fares, 34, was livid. “[Israeli] municipality teams did not even allow us to take out belongings out,” he said. “This building was established in 2000 and is comprised of three floors and five apartments. Apparently, it was not enough for Israeli authorities that we have paid a total of approximately ILS300,000 in municipal violations in addition to lawyer and engineer fees.” The Rajabis were not the only Jerusalemite family forced to hold their daughter’s wedding under extraordinary circumstances, due to Israeli measures that violate Jerusalemites’ right to housing and freedom of movement more often than not. In November of last year, Jerusalem Governor, Adnan Gheith was prevented from attending his only daughter Muna’s wedding, after the Israeli military order barring him entry into the West Bank was renewed. Since 2018, Israeli authorities have persecuted Ghaith, slapping him with one military order after another, subjecting him to numerous procedures ranging from being barred entry into the West Bank, to prohibiting him from communicating with various leaders and personalities and putting him under house arrest in Silwan. This is over and above the dozens of arrests and summons for questioning he has endured over the years. These measures have had a profound effect on his family, which was forced to celebrate their daughter’s wedding without him. His only possible role was to walk her to the door of her Jerusalem home, where she was joined by her groom, who whisked her off to Ramallah, where the wedding party was being held. At the time, the Ghaith family tried to wait until their father’s house arrest was over on November 21. They had already postponed Muna’s wedding more than once, once waiting for Adnan to be released from detention and then again because of his house arrest. Then days before the last house arrest order was due to end, occupation authorities renewed it. By then, it was too late to change the wedding date again and Muna was married without her father, on a day every father and family wait for. Still, Adnan would not be completely deterred from participating in Muna’s wedding. On the day, when he walked her to her groom’s car, his entire family and residents from Silwan, gathered around, throwing an impromptu celebration at the entrance to their home, in the midst of Adnan’s tears as he bid his daughter farewell. As for the Rajabi house, it is one among thousands targeted by Israeli municipal authorities in Jerusalem. Since the start of this year, the municipality has demolished scores of homes in several areas of the city, particularly Silwan, where also over 6,870 other administrative and judicial demolition orders have been distributed.
By: Ola Salem
Date: 14/06/2022
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The Israeli occupation attacks on Palestinian women rights defenders
“At the end of the day, we do not want this occupation to look more pleasant and more beautiful. We want to end this occupation, have our own state and independence, and naturally build our society like any other people in the world. For me, the critical point is to end the occupation, not make it more convenient. And so, I do not need support in terms of making the situation of women human rights defenders better. Perhaps I want to stop being a human rights defender.“ (S. F. Addameer) The human rights violations caused by the Israeli occupation do not affect one or two aspects of Palestinians' lives but rather every aspect of their lives, causing them severe suffering and obstacles during their day-to-day life. While this violence is targeted against the entirety of the Palestinian people, including women, children and the elderly, it has a disproportionate impact on women due to reinforcement of patriarchy, traditional gender roles and stereotypes, as well as the reproduction of the cycle of violence by the stronger social group against the weaker social group, and signifying diminishing acceptance and tolerance to diversity and difference. Despite the multitude of instruments and mechanisms to protect from violence in times of armed conflict including the framework of international human rights law, international humanitarian law and international criminal law in addition to the women, peace and security (WPS) agenda; women in Palestine are subjected to several human rights violations caused by the Israeli occupation making it nearly impossible for them to freely enjoy their rights. Between a patriarchal society and a colonial occupation, women's rights defenders face many restrictions and violations of their rights. The Israeli authorities sharply increased their measures to silence the active voices and the civil society organizations around all of historical Palestine. The ongoing injustice that Palestinians have been living under for more than 70 years takes limitless forms, in this article, the researcher will focus on the attacks by the Israeli authorities on women's rights defenders with a gender lens in reference to the United Nations Security Council Resolution (UNSCR) 1325. Women rights are human rights, this phrase was first used in the 1980s and early 1990s. Stating that women rights are a part and parcel of human rights. In the past century the movement of protecting and recognizing women rights has indeed increased. During this movement, the WPS agenda was formally initiated by the UNSCR 1325 in 2000 that was the first landmark resolution on WPS that addresses the impact of war on women and the importance of women’s full and equal participation in conflict resolution, peacebuilding, peacekeeping, humanitarian response and in post-conflict reconstruction. The resolution also calls for special measures to protect women and girls from conflict-related sexual violence and outlines gender-related responsibilities of the United Nations in different political and programmatic areas . The UNSCR1325 has four pillars :-
On the 19th of October 2021, Israel's Defense Minister Benny Gantz designated six leading Palestinian human rights and civil society groups as "terrorist organizations" under Israel's domestic Counter-Terrorism (Anti-Terror) Law (2016). The six groups are: Addameer, Al-Haq, Bisan Center for Research and Development, Defense for Children International – Palestine (DCI-P), the Union of Agricultural Work Committees (UAWC), and the Union of Palestinian Women's Committees (UPWC). The Israeli military commander also outlawed all six groups under the 1945 Emergency (Defense) Regulations, declaring them "unlawful associations" . These baseless designations aim to delegitimize and discredit the work of these groups, placing the organizations, their staff, and their supporters in danger of criminal charges. Israel continues its aggressive and illegal treatment of human rights defenders due to their coverage of Israeli violations towards Palestinians and continued presence in peaceful demonstrations. Women human rights defenders have been frequently targeted and have suffered gravely from such disproportionate attacks . Women activists and journalists have been subjected to night raids, arrests and punitive measures under the pretext of “incitement” . Since May 2021, there was a fundamental engagement of young Palestinian women leaders from Jerusalem specially in Sheikh Jarrah and Silwan describing their reality and providing their views, the role of young women leaders in defending the rights of Jerusalemites in general was remarkable and challenging to the stereotypes. However, the attacks by the Israeli forces against these women was more than brutal. Muna Al-Kurd 23-years-old an activist and journalist from Sheik jarrah was subjected to several physical and psychological harassments from the Israeli forces and settlers, in addition to arresting her in June 2021 for questioning regarding her activism. The arrest of Muna Al-Kurd came hours after the arrest of Givara Budeiri a journalist for Al-Jazeera news network who was reporting on a sitting protest in Sheikh Jarrah. Givara was assaulted by the Israeli forces and her equipment was destroyed as well. She was released after several hours from custody . Nufuz Hammad a 15-year-old girl from Sheikh Jarrah was arrested in December 2021, in addition to her arresting; her family is one of the six families who are facing forced displacement from their home in Shaikh Jarrah. Under the International Declaration of Human Rights Defenders, the work of defenders must be protected alongside their right to freedom of expression and peaceful assembly. Israel aims to create an environment through its systematic policies and illegal treatment to the human rights defenders where they can’t practice their work freely and where they are in danger of criminal charges and several restrictions. In reality, Israel illegally takes measures to prohibit Palestinians from advocating for their rights or making any expression of a political nature. These measures are in violation of international human rights law and principles relating to freedom of expression and association, and the entitlements of human right defenders to carry out their work . One of the many measures taken by the Israeli authorities to silence the women human rights defenders is the Israel’s military order 101 of 1967 that prohibits various demonstrations, protests, and gatherings which are offensive to Israel’s political interests. The order justifies targeting human rights defenders to prevent them from peaceful political expression. Palestinian women defenders, journalists, and media students are being exposed to various forms of violations by Israeli occupation forces, through harassment, physical abuse, censorship, equipment confiscation, interrogation, restriction of movement, detention, arrest, and protection of settler violence, all effectively restricting the ability of defenders to continue their work promoting the rights of Palestinians . In general, human rights defenders in Palestine face many restrictions and many systematic measures from the Israeli authorities to restrict their work, their right to reach information and practice their job freely, while human rights defenders fights for the rights of people, they themselves face many human rights violations from the Israeli authorities. One of the most common measures taken by the Israeli authorities against human rights defenders is to restrict their work by arresting them. Several women rights defenders have been arrested and many are still arrested. According to research prepared by Addammer; there are 33 female prisoners in Hasharon and Damon prisons. Both of these prisons are located outside the 1967 occupied territory, in direct contravention of Article 76 of the Fourth Geneva Convention, which states that “an Occupying Power must detain residents of occupied territory in prisons inside the occupied territory”. Female detainees are immediately subjected to various kinds of abuse, and even torture, by the occupation authorities, including dawn arrests, constant transfers between detention centers – and, once in prison, long-term separation from their children . the majority of Palestinian women prisoners are subjected to some form of psychological torture and ill-treatment throughout the process of their arrest and detention, including various forms of sexual violence that occur such as beating, insults, threats, body searches, and sexual harassment. Upon arrest, women detainees are not informed where they are being taken and are rarely explained their rights during interrogation. These techniques of torture and ill-treatment are used not only as means to intimidate Palestinian women detainees but also as tools to humiliate Palestinian women and coerce them into giving confessions . Ms. Shatha Odeh a 60- year- old nurse and the Director of the Palestinian NGO Health Work Committees was arrested in July 2021 with no arrest warrant and without informing her of the reasons for her arrest. Since her arrest, Ms. Odeh has suffered several violations of her right to liberty and of her right to a fair trial, in breach of articles 9 and 14 respectively of the ICCPR. Her detention has been reviewed and extended by a tribunal composed of three military judges, despite her status as a civilian. Ms Odeh’s right to health has also been violated. She suffers from a number of chronic conditions requiring her to take specific medications regularly. The Israeli Prison Service has repeatedly neglected her medical needs; until 15 July, it denied Ms. Odeh access to one of her essential medications. As her arbitrary detention continues, her health keeps deteriorating . Moreover, the prominent human-rights activist and president of the Union of Palestinian Women’s Committees (one of the six designated civil society organizations) Khitam Saafin, 58- years- old was arrested in November 2020 and placed under administrative detention, without charge or trial for nearly 15 months until the military prosecutor submitted a list of charges against her on 8 June 2021 and sentenced her for a 16 months’ imprisonment and a fine of 1500 ILS . According to a special study prepared by MIFTAH on “Palestinian Women: The Disproportionate Impact of the Israeli Occupation”, 33 percent of the interviewed women refugees had been directly exposed to physical assault by Israeli Occupation Forces. As many as 21 percent had been beaten or tear gased at Israeli checkpoints while they were pregnant, and 4 percent reported that they aborted or gave birth at Israeli checkpoints. Moreover, 24 percent were forced to live in shelters or with extended family and 37 percent had been exposed to detention or interrogation. The physical violence women experience while living in the refugee camps is alarming and the number of psychological violence is even higher. Moreover, 72 percent of Palestinian women feel panicked when they hear the sounds of Israeli bullets, war jets, bombs or Palestinian ambulances, and 88 percent confirm that they feel terrified when Occupation Forces storm the camp. These women live in a mentally stressed environment where it is hard to feel safe because they have experienced or know that physical violence is a part of their everyday life. As they describe their experience a “triangle of oppression “due to a combination of violence committed by the Israeli occupation and their daily life and traditional attitudes towards women from a suppressive and patriarchal environment. In conclusion, according to UNSCR 1325, the party states should protect women from all forms of violence and calls for improving intervention strategies in the prevention of violence against women, including by prosecuting those responsible for violations of international law under Article 11 that calls the responsibility of all states to put an end to impunity and to prosecute those responsible for crimes against humanity and war crimes including those relating to sexual and other violence against women and girls. Article 10 of the resolution calls all parties to armed conflict to take special measures to protect women and girls from gender-based violence. The violations of women rights defenders by the Israeli occupation authorities are with no doubt a gender-based violence that is directed against women because she is a woman or that affects women disproportionately. The application of the WPS agenda in its current status is not serving the protection that is required for Palestinian women and women rights defenders. Even though UNSCR 1325 is created and centered towards the protection of women in times of conflict but from my point of view it’s not serving its purpose fully. The women in Palestine are still facing many obstacles and restrictions during their daily life and are subjected to all forms of violence either in the Israeli prisons, checkpoints, freedoms and their basic human rights. Article nine that calls upon all parties to armed conflict to respect fully international law applicable to the rights and protection of women and girls. It is crystal clear that the Israeli occupation have no respect to the international law and to the Conventions and resolutions related to the protection of human rights, therefore it’s time to stop calling for respect and start calling for an end to the impunity and accountability. The status and the protection of Palestinian women is decreasing day after day, and it strongly requires a move to action from all parties committed to UNSCR 1325 and the international community. Ola Salem is the second recipient of the women, peace and security scholarship in memory of Zaida Catalán from the Folke Bernadotte Academy (FBA ) of Sweden
By the Same Author
Date: 20/02/2013
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Hebron, the cursed city
Hebron, a beautiful verdant landscape filled with rich vineyards, encompassing intricate authentic architecture and bustling street markets sprinkled with ancient olive trees, is a Palestinian city that has been diagnosed with cancer. Citizens of Hebron have become strangers in their own ancestral homes, while Jewish foreigners have come to take over their houses and claim them as Israeli. A few days ago, my friends and I went to Hebron to visit the Ibrahimi Mosque. Ever since the trip, I have been unable to bring back life to my soul. The majority of the mosque has been turned into a synagogue, splitting the area into two parts. The Muslim part is clamped down with severe security measures, where the entrance is blocked by an Israeli checkpoint and security booth. To further exacerbate the situation, there are numerous heavily armed soldiers roaming the inside of the mosque where prayers take place. At the door, we witnessed three Israeli-settler children hounding two younger Palestinians with a baseball-like bat. The sound of one of the Palestinian mothers shrieking as she ran to the scene seemed to have deafened the entire city. Around four Israeli soldiers ran up to her and physically restricted her, keeping her from rescuing her child—a typical day in Hebron. Passers-by looked on, but kept moving. As we walked through the narrow streets of the old city, I felt like we were in a dark dungeon. I tried to look up to catch some of the clear blue sky when my eyes met the low, heavy-looking, never-ending fence that constituted the ceiling. I learned that the Palestinians had built it in order to protect themselves from the garbage being thrown at them from the settlers living above. The settlers have occupied most of the second and third stories of the historic houses in the old city and tauntingly place Israeli flags on the outside of their windowsills. “Why do they [the settlers] do this to themselves? Don’t they see that by trying to turn our lives into a living hell, they make theirs one?” I cried out in frustration. “I think they truly believe that this is their land. They genuinely think that by occupying us they are resisting and defending their right as the chosen people,” my friend responded. All settlements on Palestinian land are illegal, despite the reasons behind their erection. The settlers in Hebron are the worst, because the majority of them are ideologically-motivated and claim Hebron [and Israel] as their biblical home. They successfully managed to turn Hebron, Palestine’s largest city, into a settlement enclave. There are roughly 500 Jewish settlers living in Hebron and around four times that number in Israeli soldiers solely at their disposal for protection. The settlers occupy the most beautiful houses in the old city and around each of those houses a number of Israeli forces stroll around carrying weapons. Daily curfews are carried out by the Israeli soldiers, in order to imprison the Palestinians in their own homes as the settlers freely wander the streets and markets of the city, generally trashing the sections designated for Palestinians, smashing their cars and throwing rocks at their windows. These settlers are creating a garbage dump in the land they claim to love, living in it and raising their children on hate. Why else would little Israeli children know to beat on Palestinian children with a baseball bat? I have so much respect for the Palestinians living in Hebron and suffering massively on a daily basis to stand as Palestinians and exist, despite all the hardships. In my opinion, settlers act the way they do because they are consumed with immense fear. According to them, it’s either us or them- meaning that if we expand and grow, they are under threat, and fear the possibility of vanishing. Perhaps they are right. We as Palestinians will never accept the settlements or the settlers illegally squatting on our land. In any kind of peace, settlers cannot be part of the equation. Mayse Jarbawi is a Writer for the Media and Information Department at the Palestinian Initiative for the Promotion of Global Dialogue and Democracy (MIFTAH). She can be contacted at mid@miftah.org.
Date: 13/02/2013
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My Bittersweet Homecoming to Jerusalem
I was born in Jerusalem but spent my whole life in Ramallah, a city which is a mere 40 minutes away from Jerusalem. However, since my adult life began, I have only been able to enter it roughly 10 times. Ever since I acquired my Palestinian ID card when I turned 16, Jerusalem became nothing more than a dream. The number of minutes it takes to reach Jerusalem was no longer relevant. Now, it was all about being Palestinian – apparently a threat to Israel’s national security. People like me began looking for connections that would help to obtain a permit, with the hopes that you would be lucky enough to get one that allows you to be in Jerusalem for more than three hours. Then even after the permit was in hand, Qalandiya had to be crossed, with all the questioning and hassle passing through an Israeli checkpoint entails. I envied my classmates who had a Jerusalem ID, wishing I also had a home there, a reason to feel welcomed in and familiar with that special place. It was way out of reach though, and I learned that hope was my only fortune. My freshman year of college I met three incredible Jewish people my age, who soon became my closest friends. I respected them because their perspective on Israel was not biased; they freely admitted that the occupation was illegal, wrong and defies the ethical construction of modern human civilization. They were not pro-Palestine per se, but were definitely not pro-Israel. However, despite their personal beliefs, I soon became aware of the fact that all three of them were going on a “birthright” trip [designed for Jewish youths from around the world to get ‘introduced’ to Israel] the following summer. When I asked one of them why she wanted to be a part of such an opportunistic and fabricated program, her answer was limited to: “because it’s free!” My friends continued to justify their decision by explaining that a Jewish American would find no reason to turn down an exclusive complimentary 10-day tourist trip in order to make a political statement. I could feel my heart constricting and my tears felt like fire on my face. Indignant whispers were roaring in my head; who are they to be able to enter Jerusalem and be treated like royalty? What do they know about Bab Al-‘Amud [Damascus Gate]? Or Jerusalem’s favored sesame bread? Have they heard the song ‘Zahrat Al-Mada’in’ [The Flower of all Cities] by Fairouz? The racial luxury Israel was granting them left me powerless and wondering where my birthright was in all of this. After several failed attempts over the past five years and after waiting for hours in long lines in the settlement of Bet El [where permits for Palestinians are issued], I was finally allowed a permit to enter Jerusalem for one day last week, from 8am until 5pm. After such a long hiatus, I could not really complain. I was too happy. In order to reach Jerusalem, Qalandiya checkpoint must be crossed. All the Palestinians are made to stand in a long passage made of metal bars with cameras at every corner. Once one reaches the end of the passage he or she must go through a big prison-like gate followed by a security booth. When I got to that point, I had to show my ID and permit along with other official documents to an 18-year old blonde Russian so-called Israeli soldier, who then nodded in approval, waving me through. I felt so humiliated and seriously thought of turning around and going back to Ramallah. At Qalandiya, you feel like a rat in a big corporate laboratory run by sadistic scientists. Once I arrived, I could smell the holiness of Jerusalem in the air. I couldn’t hide my smile. I felt so proud to be Palestinian and so grateful to all the Palestinians who persist and remain in Jerusalem despite their horrible living conditions. However, the feeling of homecoming and euphoria did not last long. After about an hour I began to feel suffocated and stressed. Too much agitation and tension fill the streets of Jerusalem, probably because of how many Israeli soldiers prance around carrying bulky rifles at every corner. People are on edge and angry and there is no sign of peace anywhere. I will always love Jerusalem, even if my “homecoming” was bittersweet. The conflicting feelings I felt towards this beautiful city were mixed with a heavy dosage of guilt. “I miss Ramallah,” I caught myself thinking, and begged for that thought to vanish. It’s so sad what Jerusalem has become. Mayse Jarbawi is a Writer for the Media and Information Department at the Palestinian Initiative for the Promotion of Global Dialogue and Democracy (MIFTAH). She can be contacted at mid@miftah.org.
Date: 06/02/2013
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Ramallah’s Imaginary Treasure
“Ramallah is different, it’s not like the rest of Palestine,” I repeated to my American friend’s mother, trying to persuade her to allow her daughter to visit me in Palestine. “Oh really? So it happens to be that the city you specifically live in is simply not under Israeli occupation? What a fortunate coincidence!” she chimed. Although she was trying to mock me, I did not follow up on her sarcasm, because to me the answer is yes, Ramallah is a city that has somewhat managed to escape the throes of the occupation, and so I found no reason for her to worry about her daughter’s safety. She didn’t believe me though, and my friend stayed in California for the summer. My father’s family is from Jenin, a city that will never attain Ramallah’s life style. My father moved to Ramallah when he became a Birzeit University student, like many of the students coming from the northern West Bank, converting it into a city for students and newly-employed youths. Birzeit University and the Quaker Friends’ Schools along with plenty of other academic institutions definitely contributed to Ramallah’s liberal way of living. The essence of Ramallah became unrelated to the rest of Palestine - where communities are run by family ties and kinship. In Ramallah, you are who you are and you are not defined by who your grandfather was and what your father does. People were leaving behind the strict cultural traditions, and moving to Ramallah where the culture seemed like it was solely to let go of strict traditions and become their own person. A few days ago, my friends and I met an Italian woman volunteering in a village near Bethlehem. Her first question to one of my friends was: “Do you remember you are under occupation when you live here? I’ve only been here two days now and I feel like I’m not even in the West Bank.” My friend was very offended; “Of course I remember, I live it everyday!” The Italian immediately smirked and said: “I’m sure you haven’t been outside of Ramallah then, that’s where you really live it. Here in Ramallah you can leave the house, go out, have fun, where is the occupation?”. My friend was unrelenting: “People go out and have fun because Ramallah has a different culture that is more tolerant, not because people living here are less Palestinian. What about all the settlements you witness day by day, engulfing the city? Psagot, Beit El, Mali Michmash, Ofra, Halamish and Har Adar? The apartheid wall? What about the illegal arrests the Israeli army carries out at night? And Israel’s restraint on Palestinian tax revenues causing all the government workers to go on strike and many to starve? Just because the town is filling up with restaurants and bars doesn’t mean there is no resistance.” Palestinians have mixed feelings about life in Ramallah. Many agree with my friend and believe that Palestinians have the right to enjoy their life, and that it shouldn’t be one or the other. Others believe that Ramallah is a conspiracy, created and spurred on by an economic boom in order to indirectly compel its citizens to forget about the conflict and get busy with materialistic aspirations. The fact of the matter is that because Ramallah has become home to diplomatic delegations, foreign aid organizations, and high ranking Palestinian officials, it has embraced a certain type of elitist class which requires a certain type of entertainment. It is not even all about being wealthy, because rich people are everywhere, whether in Bethlehem, Nablus or Hebron. Still, these places do not all bear resemblance to the open and carefree life of Ramallah. People come to Ramallah because of its wealthy who just happen to love spending money and living the posh life. Ramallah has become a cultural melting pot, where there seems to be no boundaries. People feel very comfortable taking out thousands of dollar loans, buying fancy cars and building mansions in the hopes that the financial situation will improve and they can eventually pay their debts. The guise of normalcy and the ‘posh life’ is seemingly more important to some in Ramallah than the fact that the city is indeed, still under Israeli occupation. No matter how many macchiato machines pop up in Ramallah’s Amman-like cafes or designer bags hang from the shoulders of snazzy-clothed young women, the fact is Israel constantly reminds us that it has not loosened its grip on Palestine, in Ramallah or elsewhere. Mayse Jarbawi is a Writer for the Media and Information Department at the Palestinian Initiative for the Promotion of Global Dialogue and Democracy (MIFTAH). She can be contacted at mid@miftah.org.
Date: 30/01/2013
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Criticizing Bibi is apparently Anti-Semitic
My first reaction when I saw the cartoon was: “Really? They’re actually going to use the anti-Semitic card?” It is about time to stop associating anything that has to do with criticizing Israel with anti-Semitism. Israel is supposedly a “democratic” country- where people are allowed to inveigh against their government without being prosecuted as racist. “Freedom of Speech” became a term used by the West in order to justify their actions when they offend the Muslims. If freedom of speech is used to defend the people who disrespect the religion of Islam, then it should be used to defend people who condemn a politician like Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. The cartoon in question by Gerald Scarfe, a well-known UK cartoonist who has been working with the Sunday Times since 1967, and published on Holocaust Memorial Day, is not related to anti-Semitism whatsoever. The cartoon portrays Netanyahu waving a blade while cementing the apartheid wall using Palestinian blood, with Palestinians bricked into the wall. The cartoon is depicting the slow systematic annihilation Netanyahu is carrying out against Palestinians. It includes the inhumane siege on Gaza, the use of white phosphorus on densely populated areas in Gaza, illegal imprisonment of children and citizens without trial, innumerable house demolitions, the epidemic of illegal settlements and so on. The blood in the cartoon resembles the blood of the Palestinians who were murdered by the army and settlers under Netanyahu’s rule. So, rather than being anti-Semitic, it is more of a brutally candid picture of reality. During a meeting held yesterday for the Sunday Times’ senior editorial team, representatives of the Jewish community and News International corporate affairs, the Jewish community organizations presented their adverse thoughts on the cartoon. One of the points was that the blood illustrated in the drawing “has a long and ugly tradition within the history of anti-Semitism... These historical and contemporary contexts have racist impacts upon victims and proponents alike.” Besides the overuse of “blood libel,” the fact that what Netanyahu is doing in Palestine is reminding the Jewish people of the Holocaust and bringing back horrific, despairing memories indicates that something is extremely wrong. Needless to say, a sincere apology was given shortly after the cartoon was published. Rupert Murdoch, ex-director of News International- which publicizes Times, immediately wrote on Twitter: “We owe major apology for grotesque, offensive cartoon.” Martin Ivens, the Times’ acting editor, turned defensive and justified the cartoon by saying that “the paper has long written strongly in defense of Israel and its security concerns.” Millions of newspaper-cartoons denounce politicians everyday, yet for some reason, Israeli politicians are special. A number of months ago, a trailer for the movie “Innocence of Muslims” was released, and basically smashed the Quran, Prophet Mohammad and the Muslims. According to Tony Blair, his problem with the issue was the Muslim world’s “reaction.” In his opinion, it was “absurd.” He found the trailer to be a “laughable piece of film work” and that the problem “is about the struggle of modernization. The good news is, in the end, the modernizers will win incidentally.” Several years ago, a cartoon was drawn depicting the Prophet Mohammad in a Danish newspaper. The act was seen as disrespectful by Muslims around the world. However, the matter was dealt with under the basis of “Freedom of Speech,” and “newspapers across Europe reprinted cartoons ridiculing the Prophet Mohammad, saying they wanted to support the right of Danish and Norwegian papers.” Apparently, freedom of speech is offered selectively these days. While it may be used liberally in offending Muslims and Palestinians, it is stopped in its tracks when the criticism is leveled at Israel. Needless to say, Scarfe’s cartoon of Netanyahu will probably not be duplicated in the future. Mayse Jarbawi is a Writer for the Media and Information Department at the Palestinian Initiative for the Promotion of Global Dialogue and Democracy (MIFTAH). She can be contacted at mid@miftah.org.
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