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Believe it or not, Palestinians will begin heading home this month next year to regain their property in their homeland, which they have not seen for 62 years, since Israel was established there.

Guess who will be welcoming them at the borders: Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, Foreign Minister Avigdor Lieberman and thousands of cheering Israelis.

Much to their joy, the Palestinians will learn that Lieberman left his house in the West Bank colony, which Israel has occupied since the 1967 Arab-Israeli war.

But they will not be certain whether their own houses, in Haifa or Nazareth, for example, will be available and still have the traditional lemon, olive and fig trees or grape vines in their gardens, which their parents missed so much since their tortuous exile in the neighbouring Arab countries and elsewhere.

More importantly, they will not be treated as second-class citizens, as has been the case of their fellow nationals who stayed behind when the Israelis took over their country in 1948.

All this may sound like make believe, but it is triggered by the promises aired here and there days before the Palestinians and Israelis, ushered by their American hosts and witnessed by two Arab leaders, begin their direct talks in Washington - a much-belated attempt to reach a final settlement.

There is no doubt that the two-day Washington meeting that starts next Thursday and will be resumed elsewhere, probably in Cairo, was a “diplomatic victory” for the Israeli prime minister.

He managed to assemble all the high and mighty without publicly revealing his cards in any form or fashion, much to the chagrin of the Palestinians. Most laughable, to date, has been the credit he undeservedly received for accepting the idea of a two-state solution, a point that has been virtually conceded by all parties decades ago.

Worse is everyone’s failure to guess which of the Israeli leader’s often contradictory ideas, if offered, will disrupt the upcoming session in Washington.

Hillary Clinton, the US secretary of state, clearly pinpointed the issues - identified since 1979 - that will be tackled by the two sides under the supervision of the Obama administration and the Quartet, the grouping bringing together the UN, the EU, Russia and the US. These are borders, security, the Palestinian refugees’ right of return, and the status of Jerusalem.

But of course, there are still many other issues that need to be addressed. More prominently figure: water, an issue that has bedeviled Palestinians in the West Bank where some half a million Israelis have moved into illegal colonies since the 1967 Arab-Israeli war, many flush with gardens and swimming pools; a contiguous West Bank and a direct link with Gaza Strip, now ruled by Hamas; and the demolition of the apartheid wall which has denied many farmers access to their land.

Netanyahu has also raised several sensitive issues that might nip in the bud the upcoming negotiations: A demilitarised Palestine and an Israeli military base on the Jordan River that separates the Palestine-to-be from Jordan, which has a peace agreement with Israel.

More provocatively, he once again insisted that Israel should be recognised as “a national state of the Jewish people”, at a time when one-fifth of Israel citizens are Palestinian Arabs.

All eyes will remain focused on Netanyahu, considered “a master manipulator”, to see what he will be doing about his 10-month shaky settlement freeze which expires on September 26. Should he fail to extend the commitment, it is doubtful that the talks will proceed any further, especially that the Quartet last week called on both sides “to observe calm and restraint, and to refrain from provocative actions and inflammatory rhetoric”.

In short, this boils down to the fact that despite the view that Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas is the weakest among the conferees, primarily because of his failure to win over Hamas and other radical groups, his strength lies in two facts: he does not have to sign anything he cannot live with, and should he pull out of the session, it is in Obama’s strongest interest to immediately begin injecting life into the process.

A Palestinian-Israeli settlement during his seemingly troubled tenure at the White House will undoubtedly rejuvenate his popular standing.

 
 
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