Political analysts and land experts are warning against the implementation of the land and property registration law being proposed by the so-called Israel National Fund “Keren Kayemet”, which includes the registration of thousands of dunams of Palestinian land and properties in Jerusalem in its name. They say this is just one more tool in Israel’s hands to steal Palestinian land after its Judaization of the names of streets and attempts to ‘Israelize’ Jerusalemites.

Loopholes and gaps

Political analyst and journalist, Rasem Obeidat, says the neighborhoods and areas selected for the implementation of this land law is no coincidence. The Israeli government and the Jewish National Fund believe there are loopholes in these area that help Israeli parties to take control over the largest possible areas of land by implementing the absentee property law. These are areas where there are nearby settlements or the land was never settled by Jordanian authorities when they administered the West Bank, including Jerusalem.

Obeidat says there are approximately 530 files in the West Bank and 2,050 in Jerusalem, including 2,000 plots of land with a combined area of 2,500 dunams that are currently under inspection. He adds, “The plan to register properties and land in Jerusalem is a project of Judaization par excellence, aimed at reinforcing control and imposing Israeli sovereignty over the city under the guise of a ‘unified Jerusalem’. This includes increasing settlements and land takeover and the expulsion and displacement of the city’s original inhabitants. There is also the absentee property law being applied, whereby the state takes over land from Jerusalemites living abroad or even in the West Bank and legitimizes forged land and property deeds, allowing them to be legally sold.”

He maintains this new plan means Jerusalemites will be forced into paying huge sums of money in order to register their lands, not to mention the possible problems that could arise due to family disputes over ownership if no papers or deeds can be produced.

Registration plans

Land and settlements expert Khalil Tufakji says that after 1967, Israel halted all land registration and since then, several measures have been taken vis-à-vis these plots, including their confiscation or sale. He maintains that by registering these properties, Israel is looking to “hit two birds with one stone” by transferring what Israeli authorities claim is Jewish-owned property from the names of individuals to Keren Kayemet, which prohibits sales to Arabs. At the same time, it wants to register many of these plots as ‘absentee properties’, therefore putting them in the hands of the Israeli Custodian of Absentee Properties. The third point in this plan is to register part of these properties as municipality-owned property, after they were confiscated and schools built on them. In addition to this, there are confiscations that took place between 1967 and 1995 for the ‘public good”. In short, Tufakji says, Israel wants to transfer personal Palestinian properties to the Israel Land Authority or as state-owned properties. In addition, there are the properties that fall within the land registration process, which are areas owned by Jordan, on part of which settlements will be built, in addition to Lutheran Church properties that were confiscated.

Tufakji points to another issue pertaining to the registration process, which is that huge areas of land inherited by Muslims and Christians were reduced to small plots or absentee properties. This means the Custodian of Absentee Properties intervened regarding these plots of land, not allowing any investments, sale or purchase of them except with its permission. Hence, this registration process is part of the Judaization process of the city, he stresses, along with attempts to Judaize its citizens and street names.

Purchase processes

Regarding the circumstances surrounding the purchase of land in Palestine prior to 1948, Tufakji explains: “This land originally belonged to Palestinian Jews in this area and which were managed between 1948 and 1967 by the Jordanian Custodian of Enemy Properties”, a commission headed by a Jordanian official whose job was to maintain properties owned by Jews before 1948, such as these plots of land in Shufat and Beit Hanina, they also include land located in the western areas of Sheikh Jarrah, known as “Kabaniyat Um Haron”, homes of Jerusalemite families threatened with forced expulsion in the eastern part of the neighborhood and plots of land that were purchased after 1967, which were not registered in the land registry at the time. In addition to these, there are properties confiscated for public interest and which have not yet been utilized but which Israel now wants to transfer to state-owned properties.

According to Israeli estimates, there are approximately 2,500 dunams of land that include land in the towns of Kufr Aqab and Rafat on which residential buildings are built. Other areas, such as the Shepherd’s Hotel in Sheikh Jarrah, which belongs to the Husseini family, were turned into absentee properties under the Custodian of Absentee Properties while others were put under the Israel Development Authority or turned into state-owned property.

Property of heirs abroad

Tufakji points to a major problem regarding ownership, which is that much of this property is owned by heirs who live abroad. According to the registration process, these heirs must produce proof of ownership for the land but whether they do this or not, the land is still considered absentee property since they reside abroad. That is, the land is considered to have no known owners and is therefore registered as being part of the state.

He adds, “There is yet another problem; we expect in the future there will be Israeli projects that we many not know about now but which will show up later. This is why they want to speed up the registration process so these projects can be put in motion.”

Abandoned Palestinian properties

Regarding the fate of abandoned Palestinian properties and the possibility of demanding their reclamation, Tufakji contends: “If they were left to the Israelis, there is not much that can be done because it becomes a political issue. There are properties that were confiscated for public interest according to a 1943 law, all of which means this has become a political more than a legal issue. That is, the law serves Israelis whether this law is Jordanian, British or Ottoman. According to Ottoman law, for example, abandoned land goes back to the existing state or successor,” Tufakji says.

“Since the day I received the Israeli demolition order, I never left the house, I am always afraid that they will come and I don’t want them to find it empty, I am always here ready to defend my ownership of this house, I won’t go out. I missed family weddings, mornings I never went out, except once, to the post office to pay the fine for the house!”

These were the words of Etidal, a Palestinian woman from the Al-Bustan neighborhood - Silwan, the Israeli occupation authorities issued an executive order to self-demolish her house within a period of 21 days. If she and her family do not do so, the occupying forces will demolish their house, bearing the family the costs of the demolition. In addition to continuing the payment of a construction violation issued to them since 2009. The story of Etidal is not exceptional, as 230 thousand Palestinian women live under constant threat of forced displacement in its various forms within a policy that in most cases can constitute a crime against humanity to empty Jerusalem of its Palestinian residents and replace them with Israeli settlers .

Palestinian women have been living under the Israeli military occupation in Jerusalem since 1967, when Israel imposed its legal system in contrary with international humanitarian law, which prohibits the occupying power from changing the laws in force in the area. Moreover, the Israeli Laws classified Palestinians as permanent residents in their own land; accordingly, they are under the constant threat of losing this residency and be expelled out of the city. The policy of house demolitions in East Jerusalem is one of the forced displacement mechanisms where Israel seeks to limit the presence of Palestinians in Jerusalem to Judaize the city. Among all this, the suffering of Palestinian women and the double impact of the occupation on their security and safety are evident.

This specialized article presents the issue of house demolitions in Silwan as one of the mechanisms of forced displacement. It focuses on the daily challenge of human security of Jerusalemite women due to this Israeli policy, and its impact on their daily lives. This article contributes in shedding the light on their case in light of the WPS agenda, and answers the central question: How can Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda contribute in alleviating the suffering of Palestinian women in Jerusalem? Could it guarantee their basic rights?

Legal Overview: Silwan as a part of East Jerusalem.

Silwan is part of the militarily occupied East Jerusalem, which Israel illegally annexed its lands, despite the UN Security Council’s call for the Israeli forces to withdraw from it as stated Resolution 242. This illegal annexation was followed with the imposition of the Israeli legal system on Palestinians in Jerusalem. Accordingly, the Israeli courts hear the civil cases of the Palestinians without jurisdiction ; as the relationship between the occupying power and the people under occupation must be governed by international conventions and covenants of humanitarian law. Such cases must be heard before international courts. As Israeli Judicial system necessarily adopts the colonial perspective of the Israeli occupation represented in the policies to Judaize the city, the most prominent of which is forced displacement.

The policy of forced displacement takes many forms, such as the withdrawal of residency and the imposition of a coercive environment on the Palestinian population in which it is difficult to live under. In several cases, this policy can constitute war crimes or crimes against humanity, but the most obvious form is house demolitions, which witnessed an increase of 40% during the first quarter of 2021 over previous years, leading to an increase of 87% for cases of displacement.

Israel’s policy to forcible transfer: Expensive fines & executive demolishing orders: Based on that, Israel imposes fines or even issue executive orders on Palestinian housing units that did not obtain a building permit, as the Palestinians in Jerusalem face two problems in this regard:

1. Israel does not adequately grant building permits to the Palestinians in Jerusalem, as the percentage of building permits granted to the Palestinians in recent years did not exceed 7% of the granted permits, although they constitute 40% of the population in East Jerusalem, which indicates a racist planning policy.
2. Building permit fees are very expensive compared to the income of the Palestinian population in occupied Jerusalem, where 75.4% of them live below the poverty line.

As for the issue of (17) Palestinian families in the Al-Bustan neighborhood - Silwan, these families face both policies, non-appealable executive orders for demolition, and exorbitant financial fines.

Today, the estimated number of houses under the threat of demolition in East Jerusalem is 60,000 houses. This constitutes a grave breach of the Fourth Geneva Convention on the Protection of Civilians in Times of Armed Conflict. Article 53 states that: “Any destruction by the Occupying Power of real or personal property belonging individually or collectively to private persons, or to the State, or to other public authorities, or to social or co-operative organizations, is prohibited, except where such destruction is rendered absolutely necessary by military operations”. While all the houses threatened of demolition in East Jerusalem are civilian facilities and their residents are civilians.

In addition, house demolitions can constitute a war crime based on international criminal law, as Article 8/2 of the Statute of the International Criminal Court states that large-scale destruction of property without a military necessity justifying it is a war crime. Furthermore, it can constitute a crime against humanity as it includes the elements of the crime of persecution as a crime against humanity.

None - appealable executive orders for demolition:

Despite imposing the Israeli legal system in violation of international humanitarian law on the Palestinians in Jerusalem, Israel accelerated the implementation of its forced displacement policies. In 2008, the Israeli government approved Amendment No. 116 to the Israeli Planning and Building Law, known as the Kaminits Law; This amendment grants wide powers to demolish and impose very expensive fines on the executive authority, undermining the powers of the judicial authorities. It prevents courts from interfering with demolition freeze orders so that the planning and building unit can issue an administrative order to demolish a building without a court permission and can also impose a fine of hundreds of thousands of shekels without court’s permission.

Today, because of their implementation, the planning and building unit has imposed fines amounting to more than 20 million shekels in Arab towns. The Israeli government boasts that it has managed through law to limit 80% of construction in unregulated Arab towns.

The right to adequate housing within the WPS agenda:

"Although the whole family is affected by forced displacement, it is the woman who suffers the most here as well. Women have to adapt to their new circumstances and assume their responsibilities as in the past, but with fewer means, and they have to work harder and harder to manage things."

International law links between the right to adequate housing and human security; as one of the elements of the right to an adequate standard of living. Accordingly, the indivisibility approach applies to it with the related basic human rights such as the right to food, water, health, work, and property, safety of the person, safe Housing, and protection from inhuman and degrading treatment.

This link is reflected in the definition of “the right to adequate housing” as more than just providing a roof, which the individual can live under, it is the right to live a safe and dignified life in a decent housing away from threats .

Therefore, international community considers forceful displacement a grave violation of international law . Moreover, in some cases it may constitute a war crime or a crime against humanity .

In Jerusalem, Palestinians struggle against the policy of forced displacement, which is implemented in various forms, the most prominent and burdensome of which is the policy of house demolitions. Where Israel has pursued a policy of self-demolition, based on giving Palestinians the option to self-demolish their home or bear the cost of demolition if it is carried out by the Israeli Jerusalem municipality, adding to the risks and burdens of forced displacement an additional financial burden as compensation for the government.

In light of this systematic policy, which is widely applied in Palestinian neighborhoods of Jerusalem, in addition to other racist policies, living in the city of Jerusalem has become a major challenge for Palestinians, especially women and girls, which requires special attention and focus to protect them from the multiplier effect of human rights violations under occupation.

This policy reshapes the lives of Jerusalemite women, from stability to displacement. It affects their ability to access available resources, and re-establish a sense of belonging, as they live under constant anxiety and fear. It also results in the destabilization of the economic situation and family structure because of the loss of livelihood, property and luggage, and the loss of privacy.

"We separated, my children are in their relatives' homes, I sleep with my parents, and my little daughter sleeps in the car! We lived here all our lives, but now we lost everything. I don't know what will happen next, all I know is that I need to go back to live with my family under one roof, I derive my strength from being with them, but it is not possible now, we have lost our house forever, where are we going, and how can we start over?” With these words, Safaa Nassar (49) years old from Silwan, expresses her life after the demolition of her house.

The displacement of Palestinian in Jerusalem increase the vulnerability of women, and exacerbate the differences based on gender at the public and private spheres.

1. Lack of security: The sense of insecurity begins from the moment they feel threatened of losing their houses through the Israeli demolition orders, as women live in constant anticipation of what is coming. When the demolition occurs, women become homeless, with no place for protection, they feel that they are a burden on those around them from their relatives and neighbors.

2. Instability: When the house is demolished, women move between the homes of their relatives (usually the house of their brothers or their parents), where they live a period of constant movement before the family can find an alternative to housing. There are no guarantees that this alternative will be comfortable or appropriate, and they remain subject to permanent movement and lack of privacy.

3. Difficulties adjusting: After women have formed and strengthened their relationship with the neighborhood and started to feel empowered by activating their energies in their community. The women whose homes were demolished, find themselves in a completely different situation and in a new environment. People always deal with them as women in need of help, and the stigma attached to them is "poor", they must live and adapt to these new circumstance as they recover from the trauma and its impact on them.

United Nations reports in the context of the right to adequate housing indicate that legal protection against forced displacement is an essential component of women's security. Thus; addressing the threats to the security of Palestinian women in the city of Jerusalem, the policy of forced displacement and home demolitions is evident as the largest component of the insecurity.

The vision of WPS agenda is based on understanding that conflicts have multiplier effect against women. Thus, women are the most interested in building peace. Therefore, through the WPS agenda, documenting cases of human rights violations with a focus on their impact on women and girls as vulnerable groups is the backbone of advocacy campaigns especially at the international level. To mobilize international public opinion and support and be in solidarity with the Palestinian women’s call to end the occupation and hold Israel accountable for committing human rights violations and war crimes. Women’s participation in ending occupation and achieving peace requires women's ability and empowerment to be effective, but persistent violations of basic human rights undermine women's ability to reach and influence. This contributes to the continued absence of international accountability for the Israeli occupation and impunity for its crimes against the Palestinians.

As a young human rights defender and WPS advocate, I send a message to the Security Council and UN agencies that it is time that for us as Palestinians especially Palestinian women to live in peace and security. This can be achieved only when perpetrators are held accountable for committing human rights violations and to ending impunity against all those who committed crime against humanity.

We need the international community to take actions against perpetrators to stop war crimes, to end the Israeli occupation and hold the Israeli occupation accountable for its successive crimes against Jerusalemite women. Otherwise, we will continue to count numbers of women victims of conflicts, wars, and colonial occupation.

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Jerusalem –Jerusalemite activists and their families are facing another threat on the back of their alleged participation in the latest uprising, this time the possible forced displacement and expulsion of dozens of families. Israeli authorities have informed these activists and administrative detainees of their decision to rescind theirs and their families’ health, social and economic rights, which will ultimately result in the loss of their permanent residency rights in Jerusalem.

Ziad Hammouri, Director of the Jerusalem Center for Social and Economic Rights, says this is an extremely dangerous, albeit expected, development. He explains that such measures began 15 years ago against Jerusalemite prisoners and detainees, the first such case being that of Shadi Shurafa from Wadi Joz. Fortunately, the center was able to raise the case in court and succeeded in suspending the order.

Hammouri maintains the allegations in these new orders are deceptive in nature. For example, former prisoner, Nasser Abu Khdeir, a resident of Shufat, has never lived in the West Bank. He was arrested more than once and always returned home after each release, even being put under town arrest. However, when he recently sought treatment at his health clinic and was informed that his and his family’s medical insurance had been revoked, on claims he was no longer a resident. When he went to the Israeli National Insurance to inquire about his status, he was told they had sent him a notification on May 1, which was put into effect two days later, without further warning.

Hammouri concluded: “In the case of Abu Khdeir, we could refute all of the claims they made, most importantly that he is residing in the West Bank. We expect, however, that this claim will be replaced by another, namely lack of allegiance to the state of Israel, which was the charge made against Hamas PLC members from Jerusalem who were deported to the West Bank and lost their residency rights.”

Attorney Midhat Deeba, one of a team of attorneys working with detainees from the recent uprising, says the revocation of health insurance and residency rights is an old/new tactic the Israeli interior ministry has resorted to whenever it deems the case as a “security issue.” He notes that recently, there have been at least 15 administrative detention orders against Jerusalemite activists, a considerable increase in a short period of time.

Deeba pointed out the illegality of the recent revocations given that the recipients did not receive any formal notification in this regard, especially since it denies them their right to appeal the decision within the legal period of 30 to 45 days.

Furthermore, Deeba says the National Insurance records claim the Israeli interior ministry had sent the orders regarding cancelled health insurance “by mail”. The problem is that the PO boxes were either incorrect or fake numbers. Deeba confirmed this, saying his team had cross-checked these numbers on the post office website, which revealed that they were fake and were used as a means of circumventing the law so the recipients would not be able to appeal within the allotted time permissible by law.

Deeba stressed how these orders are in contravention of international humanitarian law, which bars the occupying authority from altering the status of occupied residents. He continued that action could be taken with human rights organizations against these unjust measures and also complaints could be filed with the International Criminal Court.

Nasser Abu Khdeir – a case study

Prisoner Nasser Abu Khdeir from the town of Shufat, north of Jerusalem, is a perfect example of this Israeli measure, which also affected his wife, former prisoner Abeer Abu Khdeir, their daughter and son Anan, who was arrested by Israeli forces a week ago.

Abu Khdeir, 60, has spent many years in Israeli prisons. In the years that followed, and even when he decided to run in the now-postponed Palestinian general elections, Abu Khdeir has remained a target of Israeli authorities. He has been under town arrest, been banned from entering the West Bank and most recently, has been warned by Israeli intelligence services not to run in Palestinian elections on the PFLP or Hamas ticket.

Abu Khdeir tells his story: “About two weeks ago, I went to the clinic but was informed that my health insurance had been cancelled along with that of my wife’s, on claims that I live in the West Bank. This means I will lose my residency rights in Jerusalem and eventually my Jerusalemite ID card. Ironically, I recently received an order barring me from entering the West Bank for six months. Before that, I was under an order barring me entry from all Jerusalem neighborhoods except my place of residence. Since I was born 60 years ago, I have never resided outside of Jerusalem, except when I was a ‘visitor’ in their prisons. I was born in Jerusalem and made a promise to myself that I would only die here”

Still, Abu Khdeir warns that these unjust measures should not be lightly, having affected over 20 former prisoners, activists and their families so far. “Who knows, this number could go up to 50 in no time,” he says. “If this turns into a daily measure, we will see hundreds if not thousands being stripped of their residency rights and forcefully displaced from the city where they were born.”

Revocation of residency rights

Hammouri estimates the number of Jerusalemites who lost their residency rights and had their full health, social and economic rights revoked since Israeli occupation forces began implementing this policy at the beginning of the 90s, is somewhere near 20,000 people at a rate of 800 to 1,000 residents a year. The peak of this policy, he notes, was following the brutal killing of Mohammed Abu Khdeir in 2014.

Several years ago, the Israeli High Court rejected an appeal submitted by the Citizens’ Rights Association and the Center for the Defense of the Individual, Hamoked in which they demanded a “halt to the policy of residency [ID] revocation from Palestinian residents of East Jerusalem.” The appellants also demanded Jerusalemites are granted “protected resident status” from the standpoint of making a distinction between their status as the indigenous residents of the city and that of foreigners who immigrated to the country and gained permanent residency.

The Israeli interior ministry considers anyone who moves outside of Jerusalem, including to the rest of the West Bank or the Gaza Strip as the same as moving “outside of the country” even though Israel recognizes the Oslo Accords, which stipulate that Jerusalemites are an integral part of the Palestinian people in these areas. In this manner, many Palestinians have lost their legal status even though they live only several meters from their own homes.

There has been a considerable increase in the policy of residency revocation for Jerusalemites since 2006, as part of Israel’s policy to lower the Palestinian population in occupied Jerusalem, revoking approximately 15,000 ID cards.

The tangled Palestinian-Israeli situation is largely due to political agendas meshed with religious overtones. However the Palestinians’ humanitarian crisis is the most misconstrued and underreported issue. Two major components that will be discussed here are: Palestinian farmers and prisoners.

Israeli forces razed 1,300 olive trees this past week in Hebron alone, aside from additional villages. Palestinian farmland is an intentional target because of its tremendous economic value and its significance to Israel’s expansionist goals. Its destruction intends to force Palestinians to relocate in order to expand Jewish-only colonies. According to Joint Advocacy Initiative, JAI, agriculture experts have recorded an estimated 548,000 olive trees have been uprooted since September 2000. In response to Israel’s systematic annihilation, JAI has launched an Olive Tree Campaign, replanting the exact fields that Israel destroys, simultaneously using the olive tree as a defense mechanism for the Palestinian cause.

Israel’s other primary target is the people, with prisoners being the most direct and accessible objects. Fundamental rights are denied to Palestinian detainees in Israeli prisons. Procedures such as administrative detention and forcible transfers are imposed amongst Palestinian civilians, although prohibited under international law. Israeli forces raid Palestinian villages, arresting youth and adults, without any formal charges or trial for extended periods of time. Lawyers are denied access to clients being held under administrative detention, forbidden under Article 72 of the Convention Against Torture. Additionally, the orders for administrative detention are given by Israeli military commanders (rather than a judge) and can be renewed an indefinite amount of times, ultimately solidifying an arbitrary routine and leaving Palestinians without the opportunity for legal recourse or justice. Subsequently, an incessant cycle of detaining Palestinians civilians without committing crimes becomes a norm. The Israeli army’s unethical means of arrest and the injustice of Israel’s judicial system when it comes to Palestinians, highlights the severity of Israel’s occupation, which in is dire need of international intervention.

Consequently, Palestinian prisoners have often waged hunger strikes in the hopes of attracting international attention to Israeli human right abuses. For example, prisoner Samer Issawi is now known as the person who waged the longest hunger strike in history in protest of his illegal administrative detention. Israeli officials first attempted to end his hunger strike with an agreement contingent upon exile from his native town in Jerusalem, breaching the Fourth Geneva Convention. Accordingly, Samer refused to accept Israel’s conditional release, legitimizing their illegal practices. A spokesperson for the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) stated that “choosing between staying in detention or being released to a place other than the detainee's habitual place of residence cannot be considered as a genuine expression of free will".

Finally, this week, after concluding 266 days without food, Samer signed an agreement with Israel, guaranteeing his release without expulsion. An honorable triumph, Samer’s resilience and courage in defying Israel’s oppressive measures is symbolic for all Palestinian prisoners. Despite being forced to sacrifice his physical health in order to achieve the most basic human rights, he has spoken to the world that Palestinians are determined to resist Israel’s occupation and live a life of freedom and dignity.

Nejwa Ali is a Writer for the Media and Information Department at the Palestinian Initiative for the Promotion of Global Dialogue and Democracy (MIFTAH). She can be contacted at mid@miftah.org.

Besan is 23-years old and lives in Beir Nabala, a small village northwest of Jerusalem. A first impression reflects her commitment to Islam, dressed in the traditional hijab (head scarf) and jilbab. Staying true to her faith, every morning she performs ablutions prior to completing the first of her five daily prayers. Afterwards, she insists on drinking a much- needed cup of Nescafe (Palestinian alternative to American coffee) in order to continue with her day, confirming that coffee addictions are universal. Only then, Besan heads to a nearby village where she works full time as a secretary at a local school. In order to maintain good health and physique, she also complements her routine work schedule with trips to the gym. Concurrently, a combination of errands may follow, ultimately with her returning home to eat dinner, complete chores and spend the remaining of the evening with family.

According to traditional Palestinian customs, females are typically expected to be engaged or married when they reach the 18-24 age group (especially, if they have completed their higher education which Besan has) Correspondingly, her eldest sister married at the age of 20 and sequentially her younger sister followed at 18, triggering communal pressure from her parents and village to get married. However, Besan’s dreams and aspirations for the future challenge these expectations in Palestinian society and American misconceptions of Palestinian women. Before “tying the knot”, she’s determined to relocate to the United Arab Emirates and establish herself financially, contesting the Palestinian tradition of the husband’s family role as the primary breadwinner. Besan dreams of independence, financial and social, something which she is determined to achieve. Additionally, she hopes to travel the world with Turkey, Canada and Brazil on her itinerary.

In reality, Besan is practically a mirror image of young people everywhere, including Americans and even Palestinians themselves. They enjoy the company of friends and family; they go to restaurants and coffee shops and in Besan’s case, love to head to the major shopping district near her village, Ramallah’s booming city center.

Nejwa Ali is a Writer for the Media and Information Department at the Palestinian Initiative for the Promotion of Global Dialogue and Democracy (MIFTAH). She can be contacted at mid@miftah.org.

This past Monday, a siren went off, reminding Israelis to observe their traditional moment of silence, honoring victims of the Holocaust. Traffic came to a halt; drivers stepped out of their car and respectfully bowed their heads. Incidentally, Holocaust Remembrance day is internationally recognized on January 27th however, Israelis commemorate the tragedy on April 9, marking the significant Warsaw ghetto uprising, against European Nazis.

The systematic genocide of the Jewish race (among other minorities) within a four and half year period is appalling to say the least. Millions of Jews were relocated to ghettos and then concentration camps, subsequently murdered. Although the Holocaust is an immeasurable tragedy, certain similarities align with Palestinian victims of Israeli occupation. Considering that the majority of Israeli Jews do not travel to the Palestinian territories, they are oblivious to the convoluted Palestinian lifestyle as a direct result of their government. Meanwhile, the rationale behind writing with such a compelling contrast will hit home for Israelis. Most importantly however, it will shed light on the Palestinian cause, absent from Israeli media, forcing responsibility on Israelis to look inward. For this to happen, a mutual understanding is required in order to prevent human right abuses from continuing. Hedy Epstein, a holocaust survivor, turned advocate for Palestine, has coined the phrase, “Never Again (for Jews), Again by Jews.”

Ironically, the following day Palestinian supporters commemorated the massacre of Deir Yassin. Zochrot, an Israeli non-governmental organization aimed at introducing the Palestinian Nakba (catastrophe) to the Israeli-Jewish public, organized a tour of the former village, which has since been renamed Kanfei Nesharim.

Originally, a Palestinian village of an estimated 600 inhabitants, Deir Yassin suffered a violent ambush from Zionist militias on April 9, 1948. Upon their invasion, a warning came over a loud speaker to evacuate immediately. The majority of its residents fled to neighboring villages, fearing for their safety. The families who remained faced brutal attacks, some execution-style murders.

Coincidentally, the Zionist perspective challenges the very existence of Deir Yassin, particularly the massacre. Nevertheless, an official report from the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) refutes any debate. The majority of the dead were Palestinian civilians, (not armed opposition as Zionists claim) and shot at close range; 93 defenseless villagers to be exact. Responsible for accounting the casualties and physical destruction, a member of the ICRC distinctly reported an encounter with a Zionist soldier who bragged about his knife, 60 centimeters long, 10 centimeters wide, double edged, covered in blood. Conversely, Zionist forces carried out massacres and wiped out numerous Palestinian villages over the course of the next decade (Kufr Qassem 1956, Qibya 1953, etc) in order to establish a Jewish state, eerily similar to the Nazi razing of Jewish communities, the majority of whom were transferred to ghettos.

Moreover, the tour comprised of a Deir Yassin native, showing us the house he grew up in, neighboring the primary school he attended. His vivid recollection of Deir Yassin complicates Zionist attempts to erase its historical remains.

Despite varying complexities between the Holocaust and Israel’s occupation of Palestinian territory, several parallels can be drawn from one another, emphasizing a pattern of human rights abuses. For instance, the horrifying conditions of the Jewish ghettos and Palestinian refugee camps or the distinctive identification for Jewish citizens (armbands) contrasting the Palestinian identification cards, (varying colors) both reflect inferiority and limited freedoms.

These historical references highlight the employment of violence and displacement against minorities vulnerable to superpowers. This article aims to commemorate the Jewish and Palestinian suffering. It is not to highlight further divisions but rather so that human rights can one day prevail.

Nejwa Ali is a Writer for the Media and Information Department at the Palestinian Initiative for the Promotion of Global Dialogue and Democracy (MIFTAH). She can be contacted at mid@miftah.org.

Suddenly, a band of Israeli soldiers marched passed me. A dozen soldiers lined up against the separation wall while another group formed a barrier, blocking the entrance to the checkpoint. Hoping to discourage the presence of worldwide news coverage, soldiers shot several stun grenades directly at reporters. In close proximity, the powerful aftershock completely took over my body. Remaining calm, I asked a soldier whether or not he was aware that they were shooting at journalists. He responded “Don’t worry, those grenades are harmless.” Humanizing being shot at with stun grenades as a normalcy is outrageous; I became fearful that the life threatening weapons were reserved for the Palestinians.

Israel’s heavily armed military presence during a non- violent protest is also an intimidation tactic. Approaching the checkpoint (and soldiers), were dedicated peace protestors armed with banners and Palestinian flags, chanting anti-apartheid slogans. Soldiers immediately shot warning bullets followed with tear gas, eventually dispersing protestors. Subsequently, preventing peaceful demonstrations contradicts Israel’s self described egalitarian status.

Meanwhile, I continued to wait for my ride, only to find out she had to reschedule. Absolutely taken back at the chaotic turn of events, I was ready to call it a day. A journalist warned me to take a seat and let things cool off. Twenty minutes passed, and soldiers were still firmly aiming at the protestors. Accordingly, I asked a soldier if they were done shooting so I could head back to Ramallah, and his response was, “You’re free to leave but I can’t promise that I won’t shoot.”

Israel’s complete disregard for life, affirms their oppressive regime against the Palestinian people. Their excessive use of force against a nonviolent population draws parallel to behaviors of previous oppressive regimes such as apartheid South Africa. Moreover, their attempt to influence Palestinians to succumb to Israel’s tyrannical rule needs immediate intervention by the international community.

The aforementioned Israeli practices in the occupied Palestinian territories exemplify the definition of apartheid. In exchange for sympathy, I challenge my audience to vocalize support for the Palestinian right to exist. Frankly, Palestinians were nonviolently protesting on Palestinian territory. Israeli soldiers invade Palestinian territory and utilize force to crush an otherwise innocuous protest, sometimes resulting in deadly outcomes. No surprise since Israel is one of the most technologically advanced militaries in the world. Still, Palestinian continue to protest courageously, despite facing imminent threat, refusing to give up their fight for freedom and peace.

Nejwa Ali is a Writer for the Media and Information Department at the Palestinian Initiative for the Promotion of Global Dialogue and Democracy (MIFTAH). She can be contacted at mid@miftah.org.

Last week, US President Barack Obama paid tribute to lifelong ally Israel, his first visit to the region as President, symbolizing his unwavering stance on the Palestinian-Israeli impasse.

In front of American media, Obama has been consistent, viewing Israeli settlement expansion as detrimental to any legitimate peace process, straining relations with Israel’s Prime Minister, Benjamin Netanyahu. However, Mr. Obama admitted that he had no plan to for push peace talks, stating that Israel was not interested, dismissing any effort to do so as a waste of time.

However, a completely different tone was taken on this past week. Obama pledged his allegiance to Israel, solidifying his unconditional support and Israel’s right to defend against any threat to their nation’s security, completely ignoring the continuous situation of Israeli colonization of Palestinian territory. Accordingly, his criticism falls short of any concrete progression towards peace. Instead of bolstering this kind of behavior without consequence, Obama needs to take an aggressive approach forcing Israel towards a peace deal. Perhaps slashing U.S. financial support, conversely what they did to the Palestinian Authority when they submitted their application to the United Nations for statehood (completely undermining the U.S. position of supposedly supporting an independent Palestine state), would prove effective?

Sidelining the Palestinian cause, Obama invested his time and energy into securing an Israeli apology to Turkey and restoring diplomatic ties between nations. Adding insult to injury for the Palestinians, it turns out Obama scored an accomplishment after all. Unfortunately, Obama’s near silence regarding the Palestinian people’s national rights reflected his poor leadership in this regard and lack of commitment towards resolving this conflict. Hence, he negated himself as an influential peace leader in the eyes of the Palestinians, who saw him more of the stereotypical political pawn.

Coincidentally, during the same week of Obama’s trip to Israel, I visited east Jerusalem. As an American citizen, I am privileged with complete access to Jerusalem, even though some of my family, born and raised in Palestine, are excluded from visiting the city. According to Israeli law, any person with Palestinian identification, residing within the West Bank and Gaza Strip are prohibited from entering Jerusalem. Ultimately, depriving Palestinians (Muslims and Christians) the freedom to worship and restrict their ability to travel freely, defines a situation tantamount to apartheid.

On my trip to Jerusalem I admired religious sites and walked around neighborhoods, marveling at the breathtaking views. Still, an eerie calm lingered. A paradox began to unravel. Israelis go about their day nonchalantly, with the daily Palestinian theme of “the occupation” taboo from their discussions. A snapshot of the New York City lifestyle, Israelis live comfortably with plentiful resources at their disposable. In comparison, Palestinians are forced to do with the insufficient resources at their disposal. If I were a typical tourist, for the first time in the region, I would be oblivious to the humanitarian crisis Israel imposes on the Palestinians. However, Obama is not a tourist. He is fully aware of the humanitarian abuses and Israel’s oppressive occupation and continues to fund it with American tax dollars. This kind of support needs to come to a halt.

As Israel’s occupation of Palestine approaches its seventh decade, I would like to remind President Barak Obama to be a man of his word and follow his own campaign slogan of moving forward towards change. Stand firmly against Israel’s occupation and prevent another generation of Palestinian youth from being born and raised under it.

Nejwa Ali is a Writer for the Media and Information Department at the Palestinian Initiative for the Promotion of Global Dialogue and Democracy (MIFTAH). She can be contacted at mid@miftah.org.

Unfortunately, this past week marks the 10-year anniversary of Rachel Corrie’s tragic murder by Israeli soldiers. As a fellow American peace activist, I’m compelled to write in her memory, asserting that her death was not in vain, significantly bolstering Palestinian peace and justice.

Rachel Corrie was a young American, full of compassion and love for life. Zealous about global human rights, she heard about the Palestinian suffering in the Gaza Strip, although absent from any media coverage. Confused by the inconsistency, she decided to volunteer with the International Solidarity Movement (ISM) in Palestine, recognized for its nonviolent approach to resisting occupying forces such as Israel. At the time of Rachel’s work with the ISM, the group had been based in Rafah, monitoring the living conditions that were quickly deteriorating. Israelis had been demolishing Palestinian homes in order to create an Israeli buffer zone.

Early morning March 16, 2003, word spread that the Israeli military had given a Palestinian doctor and his family 15 minutes to evacuate their home and witness its destruction. This was a family that housed several international volunteers, therefore the connection was personal. Immediately, ISM activists arrived to nonviolently protest the human rights violation, per the Fourth Geneva Convention law. Dressed in a fluorescent vest Rachel shouted, attempting to persuade the Israelis to abandon their bulldozer. Instead, the bulldozer gradually approached Rachel, ignoring the sideline hysteria from her family of friends warning of her presence, thus marking her intentional murder.

Despite eyewitness accounts of her death and an official investigation by the United Nations Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, accountability for Rachel’s death has been challenged by fallacies and unparallel variables. An Israeli court impugned Rachel for her own death, stating that “any thinking person” would have stayed away. To the contrary, Rachel was working in a residential Palestinian neighborhood, not a war zone. The Israeli military has no justification for occupying Palestinian territory (nor demolishing homes or killing civilians) except to illegally sequester land; systematically ethnically cleansing Palestinians. Factually speaking, there was no battle, no initial attack or counterattack. Rachel was not armed with weapons; she was a peace activist and didn’t pose a threat to anyone. Consequently, the Israeli military illustrates absolute responsibility for Rachel Corrie’s murder and charges of crimes against humanity should be pursued by the International Criminal Court.

Americans, and all people throughout the world need to realize that this kind of treatment towards humanity is unacceptable. Israeli forces should not be able to literally, run a woman over with a bulldozer and be acquitted of any wrongdoing (according to an Israeli judge) ….this is preposterous. Additionally, this article is not intended to sensationalize an American death, rather humanize the Palestinian people and Rachel’s efforts to sustain the Palestinian right to exist. Furthermore, she should be remembered as a heroic woman who sacrificed her life in dedication to humanity and creating a free and peaceful Palestine.

Nejwa Ali is a Writer for the Media and Information Department at the Palestinian Initiative for the Promotion of Global Dialogue and Democracy (MIFTAH). She can be contacted at mid@miftah.org.

Concluding my first week in Palestine after a seven year absence has been emotionally and mentally challenging. In addition to spending time with family, I was full of optimism, hoping to notice a progression in Palestinian-Israeli relations. Unfortunately, some things haven’t changed.

Traveling to Palestine is convoluted in itself. Due to Israel’s continuous military occupation, Palestine has not been able to govern itself independently, let alone establish its own airport. Therefore, the two major points of entry are through Amman, Jordan and Tel Aviv, Israel, neither of which are ideal. The Jordanian route is usually a last resort, infamous for its exhausting delays at the Allenby Bridge, in comparison to equally unattractive prolonged delays via Israel. Still, any person with Palestinian identification is prohibited from traveling through the Ben Gurion Airport (Israel). As a Palestinian-American citizen, I’m fortunate to be able to avoid Jordan yet face plenty of harassment in Israel.

Notorious for treating passengers of Arab descent with excessive questioning, searches and delays, I remained patient as I anxiously awaited my turn to pass Israeli security. Finally, the security official glanced at my passport, read my name aloud and then started to question me about my grandfather’s first name, last name and place of birth. Once I mentioned Palestine, she immediately directed me to go to the waiting area for additional questioning.

Waiting times vary for each individual, however the room consisted of a majority of people with Arab descent; i.e. speaking Arabic, women wearing hijab, etc. This poses several ethical questions. If concerned with security, why do Israeli officials intentionally target passengers of Arab origin? Instead, they should be conducting random searches among all passengers who want to enter their country. Or, is it that their tacit policy which imposes a ban on an entire group of people from traveling through their airport merely an implicit form of apartheid?

An hour later, my name is called. Security officials wanted to know the address and names of the people who I would be staying with. I gave them my families contact information but they failed to find matching records in their database. All of a sudden, the questioning became an interrogation. They wanted to see a copy of my travel itinerary, questioned the length and purpose of my trip, (they couldn’t comprehend why I wanted to visit family for six months.) When asked where my parents and grandparents were born, I responded, “Jerusalem, Pales…” but before, I could even enunciate Palestine fully, he stopped me and threatened, “That kind of language will get you expelled from here.”

Israel’s court system and Israeli lawmakers pride themselves on freedom of speech as a guiding principle; apparently this is only applicable to their Jewish population. A total of two hours later, they informed me that they had found my grandfather’s record, determined that I was not a security risk and said I was free to enter Israel.

Such discriminatory practices negate Israel’s verbal commitment to peace with the Palestinians and rather reflect their commitment to encourage the Palestinian struggle, proving true the adage, “actions speak louder than words.” Moreover, my experience in the Ben Gurion Airport repudiates a western belief that Israel is the only consistent democracy throughout the Middle East. Certainly, this is not true for Palestinian travelers such as myself.

Nejwa Ali is a Writer for the Media and Information Department at the Palestinian Initiative for the Promotion of Global Dialogue and Democracy (MIFTAH). She can be contacted at mid@miftah.org.