This factsheet is based on a report documenting Israeli violations and discriminatory policies against Jerusalemite women’s political rights, particularly those pertaining to Articles 7 and 8 of CEDAW (The Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women). The report was prepared by the General Union of Palestinian Women, MIFTAH and the CEDAW Coalition. Based on this report and interviews conducted with Jerusalemite activists for the purpose of monitoring and documenting these violations, four focal points were cited:

First: Participation in political and public life through monitoring Palestinian legislative elections and the right of women to run, vote and participate in elections in general.

Second: Analysis of women’s participation in Palestinian associations and organizations in Jerusalem.

Third: Analysis of women’s participation in popular activities in the Jerusalem area and violations in this regard.

Fourth: Representation of Jerusalemite women within their Palestinian context at the international level and their participation in events by international organizations.

Twenty interviews were conducted with Jerusalemite women activists for the purpose of documenting violations, within the scope of the aforementioned points. Following is a summary of the findings:

• In 100% of the interviews conducted, the women were subjected to interrogation and questioning; psychological and physical torture; threats of ID and residency revocation and separation from their families; bans on their participation in Palestinian elections in Jerusalem; prevention from participating in election campaign activities; raids on events pertaining to election rights for Jerusalemite women; bans on these events and the arrest of participants.

• 95% of the women interviewed have been detained, been given high fines and prevented from participating in community events in Jerusalem; also, their rights and role in public space, including their right to establish and participate in associations as Palestinian women in Jerusalem, have been hindered.

• 93% of the women interviewed have experienced house arrest and been deported from Jerusalem due to Israeli policies in the city such as expulsion and Judaization, arrest, ID revocation and others.

• 20% of the women were banned from travel and subjected to restrictions, searches and interrogation in order to impede their participation in regional and international events.

• 100% of the interviewed women are members or presidents of the board of directors of Jerusalem women centers and institutions; all of them have been detained and their institutions closed; activities supporting Palestinian women and Jerusalemite families were hindered, aimed at empowerment, awareness and education on women’s and family rights, the revival of Palestinian heritage and the provision of counseling, psychological and social support for girls.

• 275 Jerusalemite women activists have been detained between the years 2019-2021, including mothers, the elderly and sick women, as a means utilized by occupation authorities to violate the political rights of Jerusalemite women in order to deter and restrict their freedoms, silence and intimidate them and prevent them from participating in any activities opposed to Israeli occupation policies in Jerusalem.

To view the Full Factsheet as PDF

The content of this document does not reflect the official opinion of the European Union. Responsibility for the information and views expressed in the study lies entirely with MIFTAH

Introduction:

This factsheet focuses on challenges, obstacles and the monitoring of health violations pertaining to Palestinian women and girls in East Jerusalem and in areas under Israeli authority, within the context of Article 12, Provisions 1 and 2 of The Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW). Data was retroactively collected from July-August, 2021 for the period between 2017 and September 2021.

The lengthy duration of the Israeli occupation has stripped and deprived the Palestinian people, women and girls in particular, of their humanity and rights. Moreover, the occupation of East Jerusalem and the restrictions imposed on Palestinians further compounds this situation. This includes the Israeli separation wall, which has isolated Jerusalem and its 335,000 Palestinian residents from the rest of the West Bank. Of this number, 140,000 Jerusalemites live in areas under Israeli municipal jurisdiction, but on the West Bank side of the wall, which means they can only enter the city through Israeli checkpoints and crossings. There are many of these areas in and around Jerusalem, including the Abu Mgheira/Jabal Mukkaber, Kufr Aqab, Shufat Camp, Anata and others.

Report sample:

Jerusalemite women and girls within the following age groups:

From the field reports, focus group discussions and individual testimonies from women and girls, several violations and challenges to health rights were evident, in addition to the obstacles Jerusalemite women and girls face while receiving Israeli health care services. These violations and obstacles can be divided into three categories:

1. Challenges to accessing health services, including having to cross military checkpoints to reach them, in addition to economic challenges.

2. Obstacles to accessing specialized health services and to medical referrals and information, in addition to overcoming the language barrier and discrimination while receiving health services.

3. Shortage of and negligence in the provision of health services, including maternal and childcare and adolescent and mental health services.

Challenges and violations according to testimonies from the targeted sample

This report is part of a project on the implementation of CEDAW in Jerusalem, conducted by MIFTAH in cooperation with Juzoor for Health & Social Development and the CEDAW Coalition member institutions working in Jerusalem. It will be part of the shadow report for this project.

To view the Factsheet as PDF

The content of this document does not reflect the official opinion of the European Union. Responsibility for the information and views expressed in the study lies entirely with MIFTAH

Introduction:

Jerusalemite women and girls face specific economic challenges that render their ability to participate in the Palestinian economic development process nearly impossible. They also make their simple life a nightmarish series of difficulties, especially in the absence of international monitoring parties and ongoing Israeli occupation violations and attacks. Jerusalemite women live a concerning economic reality that is reflected on all aspects of their lives, drains their potentials and undermines their aspirations.

This paper reflects the most prominent outcomes of a research developed by the “Abad Al Shams” Institute in conjunction with MIFTAH on the economic reality of Palestinian women in Israeli-occupied Jerusalem. The research documented violations and analyzed the impacts of these violations vis-à-vis hindering Jerusalemite women’s contributions to promoting sustainable development for the Palestinian economy on par with other Palestinian women.

Statistics and indicators on the fragile economic condition of women and girls in Jerusalem

• A drop in the percentage of women’s participation in the work force in 2020 due to the coronavirus pandemic, at 16%.
• Unemployment rate among women stood at 40% while it was 69% among young women with diplomas or higher degrees.
• Females in Jerusalem suffer from a high level of education against salary gaps. The rate of their participation in the workforce, according to the Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics was 10.5% in 2020, which is low and resulting from 89.5% who left it.
• The rate of Arab women who participate in the workforce in Jerusalem, according to Israeli sources, was 23% as opposed to 81% of Jewish women, in 2019.
• The number of female merchants registered with the Chamber of Commerce and Industry in Jerusalem in 2020/2021 was around 90 women only out of 1,220 merchants
• The participation of Jerusalemite women in the workforce (15 years or more) in 2020 was 35.9%, which is lower than their Palestinian counterparts.
• Jerusalemite society is young, whereby 64% of the population is below 30.
• Israel deals with Jerusalemites as ‘residents and not citizens”.
• The percentage of Jerusalemite families who are residents of the (J1) area and who live under the poverty line is approximately four times as many as Israeli families.

Israeli measures distort and destroy the economic reality of women

First: discrimination because of the Palestinian ID

Israel imposes many measures to pressure Jerusalemite women in order to alter their Palestinian identity to meld with Israeli society, including imposing Hebrew, whereby job opportunities and official documents, economic, financial and bank transactions are all in Hebrew.

Discrimination in employment and securing a suitable job: the percentage of Jerusalemite women between the ages of 25 and 64 and who are part of the labor force in Jerusalem is only 22%, while high quality jobs are confined to West Jerusalem institutions. Jerusalemites suffer from racial discrimination within Israeli institutions and companies.

Second: Economic burdens linked to housing, the racist, separation wall and the siege imposed on the city

Israeli taxes adversely and clearly affect housing and women’s ability to secure housing. The average price of a 100 square-meter apartment in East Jerusalem ranges between $400,000 and $800,000, while rent for a flat of the same size costs around $800 to $1500 or more.

Women lost a large part of their properties, lands and natural wealth to Israeli confiscation when it occupied around 26,300 dunams of land for Israeli settlement construction. Hence, they lost their natural right to transfer this wealth or benefit from it.

• Palestinians are only allowed construction on 13% of the land in East Jerusalem and are only granted 7% of building permits.
• Families who are forced to build their homes without a license are made to pay high fines and later to demolish their homes…any wealth women saved to secure their home is lost and they drown in debt and fines.
• The demolition policy strips women of their homes and puts their children out in the streets, yet another push towards poverty
• 39% of houses built without a permit in East Jerusalem have received demolition orders. Women are forced to endure hefty financial burdens pertaining to residency and family reunification expenses.

Third: Women entrepreneurs…shocking challenges

Women entrepreneurs in the city suffer from several challenges including: lack of expertise, the absence of the necessary competitive skills, the absence of specialization according to development needs, the lack of appropriate capital for the development and management of projects and marketing and the incessant tracking of occupation authorities.

Mrs. Ola Boujih says: I suffered from cancer for over 16 years and the painkillers kept me from my family. I saw it crumbling in front of me…so I decided to pull myself together and start my project. I created “Istabrak” but Israeli occupation authorities confiscated my merchandise four times during raids on exhibits in which I was participating.

Even though the Israeli National Insurance categorized me as disabled, the Israeli municipality froze my assets, citing high property tax (Arnona) dues. In the winter, my house leaks and there is always the danger of an electrical short circuit. My family has debts of over ILS200,000 and I hoped that my project would improve our economic conditions but Israeli measures have made that impossible.

Outcomes of the study:

The factsheet focused on a study sample of low-income individuals within poverty line perimeters in Israel (ILS2,811 per/individual and ILS10,542 per a two-parent, three children household). The percentage of women who hail from rural areas of the city was 23.2%, of which 71.4% were subjected to violations of their rights as rural women and girls.

• 43.4% of the sample has an income ranging between ILS3000-ILS5000 and 37.1% was below ILS3000.
• The spending rate for 40.3% of the sample was between ILS3000-5000, while 37% spent between ILS5000-7000. Furthermore, 59.7% of the sample does not receive appropriate social security services.
• 76.3% do not enjoy the same rights and privileges as Israeli women, which means Jerusalemite workers are discriminated against because of their national identity.
• The most striking cases of discrimination against women pertained to work conditions: 18.8% cited working hours; 10.4% the type and nature of the work; 29.2% said discrimination in treatment; and 14.6% cited discrimination in wages.
• 70.0% of the sample were subjected to violence
• 35.2% of the sample do not have a written contract
• For 46.7%, the contract was in Hebrew
• 70.6% of the sample never receive bonuses or promotions
• 46.9% do not have maternal and childcare rights
• 60.8% of women and girls cross Israeli checkpoints every day to get to work
• 55.8% of the sample believe the internal atmosphere of their workplace is unsafe
• 13.6% of the sample recently had their properties confiscated
• 30.5% had their homes demolished or have received demolition orders
• 44.1% of Jerusalemites do not have the right to choose their residence

Economic rights and international treaties

International treaties guaranteed the economic rights of Jerusalemite women as basic rights, confirming the right of self-determination for peoples. By virtue of this right, people are free to seek achievement of their economic growth and to freely utilize their wealth and natural resources. Under no circumstance should any people be deprived of their specific reasons for life.

The question remains: is Israel committed to promoting the economic reality of Jerusalemite women in accordance with international agreements?

• Israel has blatantly violated all of the economic rights of Jerusalemite women and girls through exercising racial discrimination.
• In its reports to international committees, Israel completely ignores the harsh economic reality of Jerusalemite women.
• Palestinian women are subjected to violence, discrimination and exclusion and their economic reality is threatened with collapse from every aspect.
• Israel has infringed on Jerusalemite women’s right to self-determination and isolated them from their natural economic surroundings, which is the Palestinian economy, by isolating the city and imposing an economic blockade on it.
• Jerusalemite women have been deprived of their right to freely utilize their wealth and natural resources through the confiscation of their land and properties and control over tourist sites and water resources, which has had a direct impact on the economic reality of rural women.

To view the Full Factsheet as PDF

The content of this document does not reflect the official opinion of the European Union. Responsibility for the information and views expressed in the study lies entirely with MIFTAH

Introduction:

The second phase of local elections was held on March 26, 2022 in 50 local councils in the West Bank. According to data provided by the Central Elections Commission (CEC), candidates vied over a total of 632 local council seats, while 23 local councils won by acclamation where only one electoral list ran. Furthermore, elections were not held in 29 councils in either phase. Voter turnout was 53.69% of the total number of 715,413 eligible voters. Phase Two of the elections saw a low voter turnout in the main governorates such as Ramallah, 38.4%, Nablus, 41% and Jerusalem, 38.6% while Tubas saw the highest turnout at 86.8%, followed by Salfeet, at 77.5%.

The first and second phases of local elections were held under unstable political circumstances and in the absence of any political prospects, especially since neither phase was held in the Gaza Strip after the democratic process there being brought to a halt with the inception of the political division. The Cabinet decision, made on 6/9/2021 to hold local elections in two stages was met with criticism and pushback from civil society institutions, which refused the decision to fragment the elections.

The second phase of elections was held in councils categorized as “A and B” and in areas categorized as “C and village councils” where elections were not held in the first phase. The first phase of elections was held in 154 local councils, where votes were cast, and 163 by acclamation. Meanwhile, 62 local councils were transferred to the second phase.

Women and youth presence in electoral lists

Youth representation in electoral lists:

The percentage of youth who won in Phase Two of local council elections was 16% among the 25-35 age bracket, in comparison to 21.7% in the first phase, 27% in the 36-45 year age bracket compared to 27.4% in the first phase, 30% in the 46-55 age bracket in comparison to 28.6% in the first phase and 27% in the above-55 age bracket in comparison to 22.3% in the first phase. This indicates a decline in the presence of youth in the second phase even though the candidacy rate for youth between 25-45 was higher than 59% of overall candidates but who only won 43% of the seats.

Women’s presence in electoral lists:

Upon comparison between the two phases of local elections, there was a noticeably higher presence of women in competing lists, especially in the larger districts, totaling 27% of the overall number of candidates. Moreover, there was a decline in the percentage of women candidates who won through the ballot boxes. In the second phase, only 19% of women runners won by acclamation and voting: 18% by votes and 21% by acclamation. This was a decline from the first phase, where women won 20.5% through voting and 21.8% overall by voting and acclamation, meaning that these percentages confirm that women’s presence in local councils was only maintained because of the women’s quota. Abiding by this quota was the only guarantee that women would have a place in electoral lists in general.

Women ranking fifth and beyond

In the second phase of local council elections, there were eight lists headed by women, two in Ramallah, two in Bethlehem and one each in Nablus, Tulkarm and the town of Yaabad, in the Jenin district. There was also a women-only list in the town of Beit Ummar in the Hebron district. Still, none of these lists won the highest number of votes among competing lists in their local councils. However, the “Manarat Ramallah” list won second place in ranking after the “Abna Al Balad’ list.

According to data collected by MIFTAH from lists competing in the second stage of local elections, the results showed similar numbers regarding women’s presence in the two phases with a focus on fifth place and beyond in ranking.

• The percentages showed that 26.67% were in the fifth ranking in competing lists, followed by 13.25% in the seventh ranking and 11.74% in the eighth.
• The data showed that the appearance 68.93% of women candidates in lists were between rank 5 and 9, which is the required number according to the women’s quota.
• 1.34% of women were in the primary seats in only eight lists, 1.84% were in the second seat and 6.2% in the third.

Presence of women in electoral campaigns

The second phase of local elections saw a considerable increase in the visibility of women on the lists’ promotional posters and flyers. Women’s presence throughout the campaigning period reached 83.3% of the lists, compared to only 28% of these lists during the first phase.

• The Bethlehem, Jericho, Salfeet, Qalqilya and Tulkarm districts witnessed 100% visibility of women
• Tubas had the lowest percentage of women’s presence in competing lists, with their visibility at only 39.5%, followed by Jenin, at 46.1% and Jerusalem at 51.5%.
• The Hebron, Ramallah/Al Bireh and Nablus districts saw 100% visibility of women on their lists in major cities, while they were absent from campaigns in some other local councils in the districts. In these councils, the second phase of the elections was considered a continuation of their elections after they failed to form lists in the first phase.

Findings:

• The data indicated that women’s percentages did not change in electoral lists overall, comprising 20% of seats in both phases. This confirms that the presence of women in electoral lists was due to the application of the quota system, thus pointing to a lack of social and political support for women’s political participation.

• Women’s visibility during campaigning saw a noticeable increase, sometimes even higher than men in major cities. This increase in women’s percentages on lists and their visibility in the campaigns was a crucial part of the civilized image competing lists wanted to put forth. The main cities particularly saw women participate in all campaign events, visits and debates. They were also present in “family diwans”/gatherings and other events in which women were mostly not present for in previous local elections, especially in the Hebron district. This could be attributed to the fact that the second phase of elections was held in areas with large population diversity in addition to the presence of relative civic discourse, which helped women to be part of election campaigns, especially in lists headed by women such as in the following cities: Ramallah: 2; Bethlehem:2; Tulkarm 1; Nablus 1. Their visibility as the head of lists was front and center on the posters. Calculation of percentages without the areas transferred from the first to second phase puts women’s presence at nearly 100%, except in Jenin and Tubas.

• During the second phase of elections, youth in the 25-35 age bracket won by only 16%, compared to 21.7% in the first phase. The results from Phase Two show that the older the candidate were the more chances they had, with statistics indicating a correlation between age and opportunity to win local council seats.

• Data on the order of women in lists points to the lack of any major differences in their order in the first phase of the elections. In most lists, their order coincided with the women’s quota. Results showed that 26.67% of women ranked fifth on lists and 68.93% in the central region between fifth and ninth place, while first, second and third places were held in communities where female candidates did not exceed 9.38%.

• Data showed that in only one local council did women exceed the quota, which was in the city of Ramallah where women won five out of 15 seats. This can be attributed to the quantity and order of their presence on lists, which was higher than in other regions.

Recommendations:

• Not to allow a repeat of fragmented elections and to hold them on one election day in all Palestinian districts

• Ratifying binding legal texts for electoral lists pertaining to women’s presence in campaigns and not to limit their presence to codes such as the code against infringement on women’s rights in local elections and the code of conduct signed by Palestinian factions.

• Starting a community dialogue on required and priority legal amendments to guarantee a democratic process supportive of the presence of women and youth in local councils. Most importantly, this includes raising candidacy age, increasing the women’s quota to 30% in order to attain full equality, lowering the threshold for lists to 5% instead of the current 8% and reviewing legal material pertaining to the number of candidates on lists, which would increase the chances for women and youth representation.

• Renewal of the dialogue on amending the electoral system, which would promote freedom of choice for candidates within lists and modify it in a way that would not affect the representation of women in local councils.

To View the Full Factsheet as PDF

On April 17 of each year, Palestinian Prisoner's Day is marked to highlight the plight of Palestinian political prisoners and detainees in Israeli prisons and call for their freedom.

Since the beginning of the Israeli occupation in 1967, Israel has imprisoned over 1 million Palestinians and continues to employ its policy of mass arbitrary detention through daily military raids and incursions.

Administrative Detention is widely used to imprison Palestinians with no charge or trial for indefinite periods of time. Since 1967, Israeli occupation authorities have issued over 60,000 administrative detention orders.

Most Palestinian prisoners are held in prison facilities located inside Israel and not in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, a grave violation of the 4th Geneva Convention amounting to forcible transfer.

All Palestinians are tried in military courts which have a conviction rate of 99%.

Palestinian prisoners and detainees, including women and children, are also subject to various forms of torture and ill-treatment.

Palestinian Prisoner's Day 2022 Factsheet

To view the Full Factsheet as PDF

Background:

The illegal Israeli settlement enterprise, including settler-only bypass roads, military checkpoints, and the annexation wall, continues to expand and steal more Palestinian land and resources.

As of today, the number of illegal Israeli settlements and settlement outposts in the occupied West Bank, including East Jerusalem, is around 300, while the number of Jewish Israeli settlers residing in them is close to 700,000.

The settlers are a primary and direct source of danger that targets Palestinian lives and property on a daily basis. The violence manifests in various forms, including shootings, night raids, burning of farmland, cutting down trees, and damaging property. Israeli settler terrorism is backed by the state, as these attacks take place in the presence of Israeli occupation forces who often join the settlers.

The Palestinian Initiative for the Promotion of Global Dialogue and Democracy (MIFTAH) and the Women’s Center for Legal and Counseling (WCLAC) collected testimonies from women and documented acts of violence, focusing on isolated agricultural and Bedouin areas and communities while highlighting the suffering of Palestinians, particularly women and children.

Israeli state-sanctioned settler terrorism continues unabated across occupied Palestine. Such violence is systematic and affects all aspects of Palestinian life, with a particular impact on women and children. The international community's failure to intervene and put an end to Israeli crimes and human rights violations fuels this culture of impunity.

Recommendations:

To help protect Palestinians, MIFTAH urges the international community to:

• Hold Israel accountable for its persistent war crimes and human rights violations through effective and concrete measures
• Stop all relations and trade with illegal Israeli settlements including international companies that profiteer from them
• Support the investigation of the International Criminal Court in occupied Palestine
• Implement UNSC Resolution 1325 which calls for ending violence against women and Israel's impunity
• Criminalize and blacklist Israeli settler groups that engage in terrorist activities and hold those with dual citizenship accountable in their respective states

To view the Full Factsheet as PDF

Introduction:

Elections are considered the foundation of democratic legitimacy and the mechanism that guarantees the peaceful transfer of political power. Elections give citizens the opportunity to choose their representatives and hold them accountable, given that elections are the basic component of any democratic system, directly linked to sustainable development through the intersection of voters’ interests with those of the prevalent political system.

While over the past 15 years, legislative elections were at best, irregular, and then completely absent, still Palestinians maintain the hope that local elections will be the means to overcome obstacles and eventually culminate in national elections. This is especially true since local elections are intrinsically linked to the Palestinian psyche as a means of defiance to the will of the Israeli occupation, which has been trying to impose municipal elections on the people since 1976. The goal of this was to create independent administrative districts that would directly negotiate with Israeli authorities. However, their efforts were in vain and the outcome was opposite to Israeli expectations because national leaders elected. These leaders were determined to honor the Palestinian identity and unity and reject all attempts to fragment this unity by isolating the population into geographic cantons.

In spite of unstable political circumstances and the lack of any horizon for a political solution, local elections were, for the most part, conducted on a regular basis. Only in the Gaza Strip have they not been held since the political division between Fatah and Hamas. Recently, a cabinet decision was passed on 6/9/2021 stipulating that elections would be held in two phases. The decision was criticized by civil society institutions, which opposed holding elections in phases, expressing their opposition by shunning their civic duty of monitoring elections.

Later, the Central Elections Commission [CEC] announced the end of phase one of local council elections in the West Bank in “Category C” village and town councils. The elections included 154 local councils, which ended in voting between two or more lists. Another 162 local councils were voted in by acclamation of one list and 62 councils presented either no list or an incomplete list, which was put to review by the Ministry of Local Government.

According to CEC data, the first phase of the 2021 local council elections showed the extent of women candidates in competing lists. Results indicated that the percentage of women who won through voting in lists was 20.5% and the overall percentage in all local councils (voting and acclamation) was 21.8%, which reflects a slight increase in the percentage of the women’s quota. This points to the importance of the quota, which maintained the presence of women in local councils, especially since there are many councils in Bethlehem for example, which refused to present a list on the premise of their rejection of women’s participation.

As for youth participation, according to CEC data, the percentage of youth between the ages of 25-35 was 21.7%; between 36-45 the percentage was 27.4%, between 46-55 it was 28.6% and those above 55 was 22.3%. It should be noted that the age of youth, according to the UN, is between 18-29 while the candidacy age in Palestine is still at 25 for local councils. The closest percentage to this was 21.7% up to 35 years of age, which drops to 19.4% in councils where elections were held, followed by 24.5% for the 36-45 age bracket.

Nine women head lists

Local council elections in Palestine only had nine lists headed by women, four of which ran. These were the “Tanmiya ou Tawtir List” in Deir Al Assal, in the Hebron district, “Al Amal Al Mushriq” in Qira, in the Salfeet district, “Al Wifaq Al Watani” in Beit Liqya, in the Ramallah-Al Bireh district, “Kafa’at Huwwara Al Ghad” in Huwwara, in the Nablus district and “Qadirat” in Burqin, in the Jenin district. The factional lists headed by women included the “Change and Building’ List in Zuwata, in the Nablus district, Fatah’s “Liberation and Building” Bloc in Dar Salah, in the Bethlehem district, Fatah’s “Liberation and Building list” in Kufr Zibad, in the Tulkarem district and the Beit Fujjar Tajmauna list in the Beit Fujjar district, which belongs to the Palestinian Popular Struggle Front.

Analysis:

• According to CEC data published in December 2021, the percentage of women candidates during the first phase of local elections was 24%, while women who won in electoral lists that competed for “Category C” local and village council seats was 20.5%. It should be noted here that 23% of women won their seats by acclamation, which indicates that women only maintained the minimum ceiling of the quota, which is 21.8% in electoral lists. This also indicates to the importance of a women’s quota in keeping women in local council seats and on their board.

Women in election campaigns

• This factsheet focuses on how visible women candidates’ pictures were in electoral lists. In numbers, women candidates were visible at a rate of around 28% in lists and electoral campaigns, with the Bethlehem district scoring the highest percentage at 60%, followed by Tulkarem at 56%. Meanwhile, some lists running in the elections in certain districts scored 0.0%; that is, a total absence of women’s pictures in their campaigns.

• These percentages indicate that we have a cultural problem with the image of women in social and political roles. The numbers show just how absent women’s images are in election campaigns for reasons associated with the local culture, which preferences the absence of women’s pictures.

• The continued violation of women candidates’ rights was another main reason for the absence of women’s photos during the election campaigns. Male candidates and list supporters absented women’s pictures by instead highlighting male community figures without consideration to the presence of female candidates. The CEC received several complaints in this regard.

• Some explanations as to why women’s pictures were not highly visible during the first phase of elections was that these elections were held in small and marginalized population areas, which therefore remained outside the circle targeted by CSO awareness-raising campaigns on the political participation of women and youth. This allowed for conservative thinking to take hold, which rejects the presence of women. Instead, these areas focused only on adapting to the requirements of the local elections law. Women in competing electoral lists

• Some lists claimed that the presence of women in the lists vying for local council seats was somewhat superficial in that their names were included only to complete the requirements of the list and not as political or social agents.

• A mapping of the lists pointed to an absence of women heading electoral lists except in four cases. In spite of this positive progress, women continue to be the exception rather than the rule in imposing their presence as community leaders. Meanwhile, only 3% of women held the second seat on councils, with seat five being the highest percentage for women representation where it comprised 30% of the lists. Recommendations:

• The absence of binding legal texts to regulate local election campaigns has allowed for the prevalent culture and conservative approaches to take hold, leading to women’s images being blocked in the campaigns. The Elections Law is devoid of any stipulations obligating lists to portray pictures of female candidates during their campaigns, which makes it imperative to introduce legal amendments that would guarantee equal visibility for all candidates, irrespective of gender, in addition to considering it a violation to block the image of any candidate.

• Much effort has been made by CSOs, political parties and legal persons to press for voluntary obligation of lists to publish the pictures of female candidates and not to infringe on their rights in the election campaigns. These efforts are represented in the CEC-issued codes of conduct and honor to ensure that candidates’ rights are not tampered with. However, in spite of this, there is still a huge gap regarding the voluntary commitment of these lists to the codes.

• The failure to more widely publish these codes of conduct and honor – the most recent being the code of conduct to combat infringement on women’s rights in local elections – has thrown the door wide open to practices that violate women candidate’s rights during the campaigns. These include smear campaigns against female candidates and hate speech directed against them, in addition to blocking their pictures.

• Passing laws that guarantee the necessary measures to preserve the rights of women candidates during the election campaigns, which in turn would provide equal spaces for male and female candidates without discrimination. This is in addition to taking the necessary measures to curtail violations, discrimination and threats to the personal safety of candidates.

• Promoting civil discourse as a practical condition of the democratic process, of which elections are considered one of its most important tools. The discourse would be based on respect for the values of pluralism, differences and non-discrimination on the basis of gender or cultural, social or religious background.

• The meager presence of women in the ordering of lists within the first four seats (most were in seats 5 and 9) is a reflection of the lack of recognition of women’s leadership roles at the political and social levels and within the context of women’s involvement in governance. This calls for a legal amendment that promotes equality and non-discrimination in list orders and protects the presence of women at a minimum of 30%.

• A legal text must be formulated, based on equality in list orders according to gender, which guarantees representation and a real presence of women in local councils.

To view the Full Factsheet as PDF

Facts:

• At the beginning of every year, Israel sprays chemical herbicides along the Gaza security fence, which extends to about 40 kilometers east of the Gaza Strip.
• Agriculture is the main source of livelihood and income of border area inhabitants. The area of agricultural lands on the borderline comprises 25% of the total agricultural area in the Gaza Strip, which is considered the main source of food therein.
• The total area of lands whose crops are damaged as a result of spraying herbicides is about 2,000 dunums. In 2020, the amount of physical damage to crops due to spraying toxic herbicides was 1.25 million U.S. Dollars.
• In the 2014-2018 period, Israeli chemical herbicides caused the destruction of 13,723 dunums of agricultural land.
• The area considered by Israel as a “buffer zone” between the fence and the Gaza Strip – which extends 300 meters into the Gaza lands – constitutes 25% of Gaza’s GDP. This area is the only source of livelihood for hundreds of poor families, whereas it mainly includes cultivated lands and represents a main food basket for the residents of Gaza. A total of about 30,000 Palestinian farmers work in this area.
• Israel conducts sudden spraying operations without prior warning in the months of April and December of each year. During these operations, Israel uses substances like Oxygal and Glyphosate, which are herbicides that destroy the vegetation and germination of plants. The droplets of these sprayed materials reach as far as 1,200 meters inside the Gaza Strip, thereby damaging winter and summer crops and plants and leading to substantial losses for Gaza’s farmers. In fact, the sprayed substances can stay inside the soil for 70-80 days as they take a long time to decompose. These substances also affect the quality of the soil and they weaken its fertility and cause serious damages to it.
• According to the Material Safety Data Sheet (MSDS) guide issued by the Israeli manufacturer of Oxygal, this substance can cause severe irritation if it comes in contact with the skin or eyes, whereas it must be used with special caution after isolating all living creatures from sprayed areas. This substance can also affect the livestock and damage their offspring and breeding. Therefore, the spraying process is a great threat to livestock, of which more than 70% are located on the borderline. Sudden spraying operations also affect and destroy beehives in the area.
• It is worth noting that the Israeli Supreme Court prohibited the use of these substances after a spraying operation was carried out in 2007 by the Israel Land Administration in fields belonging to unrecognized villages in the Negev. During its ruling, the Court considered these substances as a threat to the life and health of creatures (including human beings) and harmful to crops.
• The spraying of agricultural lands with chemical herbicides mainly takes places in two periods each year (December-January and April), in order to inflict maximum damage on winter and summer crops.
• Spraying operations are conducted in an abrupt manner without prior warning to farmers, and with the use of chemicals whose safety period is unknown.
• The Glyphosate substance is an active component in many herbicides used by Israel against Gaza’s agricultural lands. This substance can cause tumors/cancer in human beings.
• In the period of 11-22 January 2020, Israeli planes continuously sprayed chemical herbicides on agricultural lands east of the Gaza Strip,.

Negative Effects of Herbicides on Farmers and Agricultural Lands

• Herbicides pose a direct threat to the lives of creatures (human beings and livestock) if the latter eat plants that were sprayed with these chemicals. For example, these substances can cause an unnatural increase in weight in a dangerous manner.
• Many Palestinians lost their food security due to Israeli policies that aim to inflict damage on agricultural lands east of the Gaza Strip (especially in Khan Younis). These policies also affect Palestinian developmental plans because the agricultural sector is one of the most important developmental sectors in the country.
• Israel forces the farmers of the area to abandon their lands and lose their main source of income, thereby leading to their impoverishment and unemployment and undermining the economic and social stability of their families.

Recommendations

• Urge the global community and international organizations, especially the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) and World Health Organization (WHO), to conduct extensive investigations to expose the devastating effects of spraying herbicides. These parties should also perform their legal and moral duty of holding the Occupying Power accountable for the substantial damage to the agricultural sector in the Gaza Strip.
• Call on the international community to assist the Palestinian Ministry of Agriculture in establishing a special laboratory for analyzing plants that were subjected to herbicide spraying by the Israeli Army.
• Call upon the Human Rights Council and all relevant international organizations, agencies and bodies to take the necessary measures to stop the aerial spraying of herbicides.
• Adopt a clear mechanism for supporting the resilience of farmers east of Khan Younis and compensating them for their suffered damages. This mechanism should also assist in soil development and rehabilitation by providing agricultural antidotes to help farmers confront the harmful effects of Israeli herbicides.

References:

1. Ministry of Agriculture
2. Al Mezan Center for Human Rights
3. International Agency for Research on Cancer (IARC), which is part of World Health Organization (WHO).
4. Palestinian Centre for Human Rights

To View the Full Fact Sheet as PDF

This factsheet was prepared as part of the “Youth as Human Right Defenders” project funded by the European Union The content of this document does not reflect the official opinion of the European Union. Responsibility for the information and views expressed in the study lies entirely with MIFTAH.

Introduction

At a time in which world governments are combating the COVID-19 pandemic that threatens the global health and economy, Israel is intentionally aggravating the impact of the virus on Palestinians in the Gaza Strip. This includes the perpetual violation of Palestinian basic rights, such as the right to life, right to health, and right to enjoy an adequate standard of living.

In addition to the imposed siege on the Gaza Strip for more than 13 years, Israeli aircraft have been spraying dangerous chemical materials composed of Glyphosate, Oxygal and Diurex, since 2014. These substances are sprayed on the agricultural lands of Palestinians living in border areas of the Gaza Strip. For example, in the past two years, Israeli forces sprayed Palestinian agricultural lands with chemical substances at least 17 times, whereas updated data shows the dangerous impact of these substances on crops, the environment, and health of residents. According to the testimonies of tens of Palestinians farmers, these chemicals damaged numerous agricultural crops and changed the crops’ color. Substances included in these chemical materials can also cause cancer and other chronic diseases.

The spraying of the above-mentioned chemical substances leads to several environmental risks and the violation of the right to have a clear, healthy and sustainable environment; right to life; right to enjoy the highest possible level of physical and mental health; and the right to an adequate standard of living.

Access restricted areas in the Gaza Strip are undergoing multiple forms of Israeli assaults, whereas the latter sprays chemical herbicides along the eastern borders of the Gaza Strip. This includes agricultural lands that feed thousands of Palestinian households. The policy of destroying Palestinian crops led to a severe impact on the lives of Palestinian residents and their economic and food security. For example, the systematic spraying of chemical herbicides significantly damages the soil, thereby undermining the Palestinian farmers’ resilience throughout the eastern areas of the Gaza Strip.

It is worth noting that Israeli forces deliberately conduct spraying operations in these areas at the beginning of agricultural seasons, especially in December and April of every year. These months are the main ones for harvesting winter and summer crops (such as watermelons and okra in the summer, and peas, beans, wheat and barley in the winter) and planting different kinds of leaves (e.g., spinach, dill (Anethum graveolens), parsley and chard). According to Palestinian Ministry of Agriculture data, approximately 2,000 dunums of agricultural lands are subjected to attacks by spraying operations. Another harmful element of Israeli spraying operations is their unexpected timing, whereas they usually take place without any prior warning or notification, especially as a result of droplets that extend to far-reaching areas. These droplets are also spread as a result of the wind speed and direction, thereby exacerbating the damage and affecting a larger agricultural area.

Spraying operations pose a direct threat to Palestinian farmers. For example, many farmers lost their main source of income due to the damaging of their crops/plants and harming their livestock (such as cattle and birds that feed on weeds in these areas). The used chemical substances are also considered anti-germination materials.

Israeli forces many times use false pretexts and allegations to justify their spraying operations and obliterate the herbs and plants growing next to the separation wall. This led to ravaging large agricultural lands and prevented Gaza’s farmers from cultivating their lands and performing agricultural activities. In other words, the occupation intentionally attacks agricultural lands in the Gaza Strip, while occasionally leveling off these farmlands. This raises serious questions about the feasibility of spraying herbs with chemical herbicides and simultaneously razing and leveling off these lands.

Context of the Policy Issue

First: Areas Suffering from Spraying Operations

The Israeli policy of spraying herbicides on agricultural lands in the access restricted areas east of the Gaza Strip is a serious hindrance for hundreds of Palestinian farmers who depend on agriculture to support their families. This practice constitutes collective punishment against Gaza Strip residents, who have been living under siege for 13 years in a row. According to Palestinian human rights organizations, Israeli forces deliberately and systematically spray Palestinian agricultural lands with herbicides in the period between November and April of every year to damage crops, whereas Israeli airplanes fly at low levels and attack farmlands with chemical herbicides as far as 2,000 meters within the Gaza Strip. Israeli forces also ignite rubber tires to check the direction of the wind, in order to maximize the area of lands that receive the harmful droplets of herbicides. According to human rights organizations in the Gaza Strip, aircraft used by occupation authorities can carry between 400-800 gallons of herbicides. These planes can fly at a speed of 120-160 miles per hour, which enables them to maximize the area of lands affected by herbicides. In response to a “Freedom of Information” request made by Gisha Center in November 2016, the Israeli Ministry of Defense confirmed that herbicides are dropped by airplanes along Gaza’s border area, and that the spraying takes place between the Erez crossing in the north and Karm Abu Salem crossing in the south, over an estimated area of 12 dunums.

The results of Forensic Architecture analysis showed the concentration of herbicides and their westward direction towards the Gaza Strip

Second: Materials Used in Aerial Spraying Operations

According to environmental expert George Kurzom, Israeli occupation forces spray access restricted areas with a mixture of Glyphosate, Oxygal and Diurex. Kurzon also pointed out that the herbicides dropped by Israel on Gazan farmers’ lands might remain inside the soil for several years without decomposing. He also noted that, in general, herbicides are considered carcinogenic and may cause genetic, congenital and reproductive disorders. Moreover, a report issued by the International Agency for Research on Cancer (IARC) [which is a subordinate of World Health Organization] shows that Glyphosate, which is an active substance in many herbicides used by the occupation, is indeed a cancerous substance.

Third: Impact of Herbicides on the Agricultural Sector

The spraying of chemical herbicides on agricultural lands in the Gaza Strip damages numerous crops and changes their color due to penetrating their roots. This is clearly seen in several plants and leaves, such as spinach, parsley, peas, turnips, cabbage, zucchini, wheat and barley. The sprayed substances (especially the cancerous Glyphosate) ravage the soil and prevent its germination, thus leading to substantial losses incurred by farmers. For example, the total losses of farmers due to Israel’s spraying of herbicides on their lands from the beginning of 2020 until the time of preparing this paper were approximately $379,670 U.S.

Vegetation losses in days 5 to 15 after spraying herbicides. The red color shows the areas where vegetation has been lost.

In light of what was mentioned above, the paper presents a number of policy options for relevant Palestinian and international bodies. This encompasses alternatives and suggestions to introduce policies that support Palestinian farmers in access restricted areas. The paper assumes that the presented propositions can be simultaneously implemented to lead to a stronger impact within a reasonable time-period.

First Alternative: Internationalize the Agricultural Crisis in Gaza’s Border Areas and Resort to International Bodies

This alternative suggests referring this issue to the international community (such as the Human Rights Council, World Health Organization, and other international agencies) and calling upon them to fulfill their legal and moral duty of confronting unjust policies and taking effective measures to stop the Israeli violation of Palestinian farmers’ rights. International parties must also oblige the occupation to stop spraying toxic herbicides, as well as examining the possibility of pressuring Israel to compensate Palestinian farmers for the suffered losses.

Second Alternative: Adoption of National Policies and Interventions to Enhance Palestinian Farmers’ Resilience in these Areas

This alternative focuses on strengthening the resilience of Palestinian farmers and helping them mitigate the damages of spraying crops with herbicides. Moreover, it enables farmers to bear the losses related to Israel’s spraying activities, by creating a fund to support Palestinian farmers to compensate them for suffered damages. This alternative also includes exempting farmers of taxes related to agricultural lands in these areas, as well as establishing “medical points” to provide adequate treatment for livestock in these areas. It is also possible to cooperate with a number of international parties in this context to finance that fund and provide the necessary anti-pesticide materials.

Main Recommendations:

• Call for an international investigation by specialized committees to examine the chemical materials sprayed by Israeli aircraft on agricultural lands and highlight their impact on the soil, environment, and health of residents. This will facilitate the curbing of spraying assaults and can expose the occupation’s violation of international law.
• Request from the World Health Organization (WHO) and Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) to establish scientific laboratories in the Gaza Strip. It is also vital to develop Palestinian capacities to examine the nature of chemical substances sprayed on agricultural lands, as well as providing farmers with the necessary materials to protect their soil from spoilage.
• It is necessary to implement Decree Law No. (12) of 2013 regarding the Palestinian Agricultural Disaster Risk Reduction and Insurance Fund (PADRRIF).
• Protect the agricultural sector from hostile military activities and enable Palestinian farmers to cultivate their agricultural lands in Gaza Strip border areas.
• Adopt all available measures and means to end the siege on the Gaza Strip, along with holding the perpetrators accountable for their blatant human rights violations.

To View the Full Policy Paper as PDF

This Policy Paper was prepared as part of the “Youth as Human Right Defenders” project funded by the European Union The content of this document does not reflect the official opinion of the European Union. Responsibility for the information and views expressed in the study lies entirely with MIFTAH

1. In 1997, there were more than 10,000 Palestinians working in the fishing sector. However, in 2019, there were only 5,606 workers in this sector, including 3,606 fishermen.
2. The distribution of Palestinian fishermen in the Gaza Strip is as follows: 7% in Northern Gaza Strip, 45% in Gaza City, 17% in Al-Wusta governorate (i.e., Deir Al-Balah governorate), 19% in Khan Younis governorate, and 12% in Rafah governorate.
3. The number of fishing boats in the Gaza Strip is only 1,261.
4. According to Oslo II Accords signed in 1995 between the Palestinian Authority and Israel, the fishermen of Gaza have the right to access fishing areas up to 20 nautical miles from the coast.
5. In 2020, there were 308 incidents of gunfire shooting by the Israeli Navy on fishing boats coming from Gaza. In the same year, 10 fishermen were arrested and 12 were injured, along with confiscating 4 boats and sabotaging fishermen’s equipment in 12 incidents.

   Type of Violation in the Gaza Strip	Number of Violations in 2020	Number of Violations in 2019
   Violation incidents	309	351
   Cases of gunfire shooting	308	347
   Number of detainees	10	35
   Number of injuries	12	16
   Number of confiscated boats	4	15
   Number of cases of sabotaging fishing equipment/boats	12	11

6. The permitted fishing areas for Palestinian fishermen are up to 6 nautical miles in the governorates of Gaza and Northern Gaza and around 9-15 nautical miles in the governorates of Al-Wusta, Khan Younis and Rafah (south of Gaza Strip). Also, there is one nautical mile in which maritime activity is prohibited and which is parallel to the southern water borders of the Gaza Strip, as well as 1.5 nautical miles of prohibited maritime activity parallel to the northern water fence. These prohibitions deprive Gaza’s fishermen of accessing fishing areas that have diverse kinds of fish. It should also be noted that Israel’s reduction and increase of “permitted” fishing areas are below the limits set forth by the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) and violates the Oslo Accords signed by Palestinian and Israeli parties. Not less importantly, the average number of days in which sea access is closed for Gaza’s fishermen is between 10-15 days each month.

Implications of Violating Fishermen’s Rights in the Gaza Strip

Israel’s illegal curtailment of permitted fishing areas and denying the entry of fishing tools and equipment have serious implications for the Gaza Strip. For example, the number of Palestinian fishermen plummeted by 73% in a 20-year period. Israel’s policy of closures and denial of entry of fishing equipment caused a drastic reduction in the number of fishing boats in Gaza. These violations also led to lower economic returns due to smaller quantities of fish that are caught in the confined fishing areas. This forced many fishermen to use certain types of smaller nets to increase the quantities of fish that are caught in the permitted areas, thus leading to negative effects on the maritime environment.

Recommendations:

At the Level of the Palestinian Authority:

• This paper recommends that the Palestinian Authority would call upon international organizations (including the Human Rights Council) to consider the issue of Palestinian fishermen as a top priority. The paper also urges the Palestinian Authority to exert diplomatic efforts and run international advocacy campaigns to highlight the suffering of Palestinian fishermen in the Gaza Strip.
• The budget of the Ministry of Agriculture is estimated at 0.65% of the total Palestinian general budget. Also, no fair portion of this budget is allocated for Gaza’s fishermen as a result of the Palestinian division. Hence, this paper calls for increasing the share of the Ministry of Agriculture from the general budget in light of the structural misdistribution of percentages on ministries. We also recommend unifying the work of the Ministry of Agriculture in the Gaza Strip and West Bank in consolidated programs to enable Gaza’s fishermen to benefit from the services provided by the Ministry.
• The construction and restoration of the Gaza International Port are essential for empowering and reviving the Palestinian fishing sector. Therefore, the paper recommends raising the issue of building and expanding the Gaza International Port, in accordance with international standards and in conformity with international agreements signed by the Palestinian Authority and Israel vis-à-vis Gaza’s maritime access points.

At the International Level:

• The maritime blockade of the Gaza Strip and restricting the movement of Palestinian fishermen are considered a flagrant violation of International Humanitarian Law. Consequently, relevant international bodies – including the United Nations – must take all necessary measures to condemn and stop these violations and compensate Palestinian fishermen for the material and moral losses emanating from Israel’s systematic violations.
• International support for the agricultural sector is still at its minimum. For example, the current support does not exceed 15 million U.S. Dollars per year, which is very modest compared to other sectors supported by donors (such as the local government sector, infrastructure, relief, etc.). Therefore, the paper calls upon donor countries to augment the funding of programs for capacity building and empowerment of Palestinian fishermen.

To View the Full Factsheet as PDF

This factsheet was prepared as part of the “Youth as Human Right Defenders” project funded by the European Union The content of this document does not reflect the official opinion of the European Union. Responsibility for the information and views expressed in the study lies entirely with MIFTAH