Introduction:

Since the 1990s, the international community’s view regarding conflicts developed in terms of encompassing broader aspects, and its perspective was no longer confined to threats against a state and its sovereignty. This included observing the ramifications of conflicts on individuals and their welfare, especially among the less fortunate segments of society. Accordingly, the term “Human Security” came to replace the previously used term “Security”. That term (i.e., Human Security) was first mentioned in a 1994 report issued by the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP). Its introduction helped create a new perspective towards militarization and armed conflicts, thus expanding the traditional view of security to include individual security in addition to state security.

Until now, there is no consensus regarding a particular definition of “Human Security”. Nevertheless, this term involves two main aspects, namely: freedom from fear and freedom from want. Due to important changes in the international arena, United Nations Security Council Resolution (UNSCR) 1325 was issued in the year 2000. This resolution examines the multiplier effect of conflicts on women in four main aspects: protection, prevention, participation, and accountability. However, this resolution – which was followed by a number of similar subsequent resolutions which promote the implementation of the Women, Peace, and Security agenda – did not explicitly refer to the Occupation as a threat to human security, especially with regard to women. Rather, it sufficed by mentioning the “state of conflict”, which is legally different from the case of military occupation. Moreover, it was noticed that UNSCR 1325 and its subsequent resolutions mainly focused on sexual crimes.

The “Women, Peace and Security” agenda is considered a broad field. It includes the concept of “Human Security”, as referred to in the 1994 United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) report, and later developed to include conflict and post-conflict situations. Seeing that Palestinian women have been suffering from occupation and its association violence since the establishment of Israel on Palestinian soil in 1948, substantial efforts were exerted to promote the Women, Peace and Security agenda and implement the related international resolutions in the Palestinian homeland. However, this requires a clear definition of “Security” and its determinants, components, and measurability.

This study aims to reach a definition of “Human Security” and specify its components and framework in order to highlight the violations of the Israeli occupation under that definition. In particular, we try to assess the effects of the Israeli occupation on the security of Palestinian women in Occupied Jerusalem. This study is based on the premise that the Occupation is the main cause of human insecurity in Palestine, especially vis-à-vis Palestinian women in Occupied Jerusalem.

Based on the aforementioned aspects, the study (through three research sections) will attempt to answer the following question: What is the effect of the Israeli military occupation of Jerusalem on the human security of Palestinians, especially women? The first section studies the concept of Human Security and its components. The second section highlights the human rights violations perpetrated by the Israeli occupation in Jerusalem in light of the human security concept. As for the third section, it examines the impact of the Israeli occupation and its practices on Palestinian women, with special emphasis on the Women, Peace and Security agenda.

The term “Human Security” emerged in the early 1990s as a result of several humanitarian crises and conflicts in the aftermath of the Cold War. Since that time, human security came to be considered an approach that can be widely implemented. As previously noted, the term “Human Security” was first mentioned by a UNDP report in 1994, whereby it includes the following aspects: economic security, food security, health security, environmental security, personal security, community security, and political security, respectively.

Unfortunately, the international community did not until this moment specify a single consensual definition of the term “Human Security”. However, everyone acknowledges its connection to human rights and the attainment of development. Therefore, conflicts, armed conflicts, and Occupation threaten human security as they directly jeopardize human rights and prevent individual and community development.

First Section: Concept of Human Security and its Connection to Military Occupation:

This section reviews the concept of Human Security, especially in light of military occupation. It also examines the components of human security as set forth in the UNDP report of 1994, in order to create a reference point to assess the fragility of human security in Occupied Jerusalem and its connection to ongoing human rights abuses. This will be analyzed in light of the Women, Peace and Security agenda and the relevant United Nations resolutions.

This section aims to answer the following sub-questions:

1. What is the definition of human security?
2. What are the components of human security?
3. How does the Occupation threaten human security?
4. What is the relationship between human security and the human rights system?

Definition of Human Security:

The term “Human Security” in its modern sense shifted the focus from states to individuals. Hence, the need for intervention and protection was no longer confined to military threats but also encompassed the individual realm, protection of basic human rights, and the achievement of welfare. It is also worth noting that human security does not mean the absence of threats but protection from different threats.

Thus, the most accurate definition of “Human Security” is “freedom from fear and freedom from want”, whereas freedom from fear is based on the traditional meaning of security related to protecting individuals from the use of force or violence or threats to one’s life. The latter acts require serious procedures to hold the perpetrators of international crimes accountable before the International Criminal Court (ICC). This is also in line with UNSCR 1325 on Women, Peace and Security, which calls for upholding accountability mechanisms and ending the impunity of those who commit crimes against humanity. On the other hand, freedom from want is more broadly related to human security; it considers security threats as a threat to people’s welfare.

Therefore, the concept of Human Security poses several questions beyond individuals’ protection from existential threats by finding ways to enhance safety in their daily lives, at home, and in the street and community. However, this should be done without losing sight of the linkage between violence, lack of security, and human rights violations.

The Human Security approach is considered an integrated one and the international community deals with it in a coherent manner without fragmenting the needs of individuals. They [i.e., the international community] also do not deal with Human Security in a hierarchical manner but focus on the basic rights and freedoms. Therefore, United Nations plans and developmental goals have embedded human security principles in order to reach a “world free of poverty, hunger, disease and want, free of fear and violence, with equitable and universal access to quality education, health care and social protection, where human habitats are safe, resilient and sustainable”.

Components of Human Security:

Human Security is about meeting basic human needs in the environmental, health, food, community, and political spheres, while focusing not only on conflict situations but also on issues of fair trade, access to health care, patent rights, access to education, and basic freedoms.

Recently, the international community became more open to the concept of Human Security and their relevant vision is entrenched through seven dimensions mentioned by the UNDP report of 1994. The said report indicated that the main categories of Human Security are as follows: economic; food; health; environmental; personal; community; and political security, thus expanding the notion of security and going beyond the traditional view of security (the traditional view focused on protecting the land from external aggression and protecting national foreign policy interests).

Due to this approach, the goal shifted from state security to individual security, thus enhancing the linkage between security and sustainable development. The “Human Security” term was thus expanded to include security from perennial threats - such as hunger, disease, and oppression - and protection from the sudden and harmful disruption of daily life patterns.

The concept of Human Security promotes the protection of all human beings in ways that enhance human freedoms and human realization. Therefore, the framework of human security includes several aspects, such as food, environment, housing, and human rights.

Human Security in light of the Occupation:

“The gross violations of human rights and the wide-scale displacement of civilian populations constitute a direct threat to human security.”

Military occupation involves multiple forms of human insecurity, whereas this form of occupation is characterized by violence and lack of security from one side and underdevelopment and poverty from another. In this regard, Arab Human Development Report 2009 indicates that military occupation threatens human security on three levels: institutionally, structurally, and materially/physically, as follows:

• On the institutional level, the Occupation violates international law, as it uses force for purposes other than self-defense, imposes its own laws on the occupied region, and practices its governmental authority to serve the occupier’s interests.
• On the structural level, the Occupation redistributes wealth and power under different terms which widen the social and economic gap between occupied civilians, thus creating internal divisions and a state of fragmentation.
• On the physical/material level, military occupation is imposed on civilians with the power of arms and violence, leading to victims, violent resistance, and substantial human losses. Moreover, military occupation restricts basic freedoms, economic activity, and people’s livelihoods.

Therefore, military occupation contravenes basic human rights, systematically leads to human insecurity, disrupts human development, and substantially undermines people’s lives and freedoms. This negatively affects people’s income, employment, nutrition, health, education, and environment, leading to a lack of human security and affecting its various components.

The said report mentions the compound impacts of military occupation on human security, as follows:

1. Threats to life, especially by murder/assassinations (extrajudicial killings) and the targeting of civilians.
2. Threats to liberty, such as restricting people’s freedom of movement and freedom of opinion and expression.
3. Threats to economic conditions and livelihoods: Military occupation impedes the management of economic affairs and leads to economic destabilization.
4. Threats to people’s access to food, health and education: In light of violence and the displacement of persons due to Occupation, people’s opportunities to obtain sufficient food, appropriate health care, and adequate housing inevitably crumble.
5. Threats to the environment.

The aforementioned report also states that the progress in sustainable development is slower in fragile and conflict-ridden countries, especially those suffering from occupation; where violence is rampant and a distrust is seen between different individuals and institutions. The report proposes an approach that focuses on attaining human security, prevents the exacerbation of crises, and identifies the causes of emerging crises. Therefore, achieving human security in such circumstances is only possible by tackling the main causes and seeking to end the Occupation.

Relationship of Human Security with the Human Rights System:

Human Security emerged as a concept that was greatly affected by and related to conflict. This concept was introduced to urge states and policy makers to focus on vital issues and provide the maximum level of protection to civilians. It is also worth noting that protection is not limited to protecting human lives and providing the minimum level of services.

The relationship of human security with the human rights system stems from international humanitarian law. This is because human security necessitates protection, which is strongly rooted in the human rights system (which highlights “the responsibility of protection in times of armed conflict”). The subject of protection was strongly emphasized in international humanitarian law, especially the Geneva Conventions, which underscores the need to protect people from potential violence. Therefore, when civilians are subjected to harm or injury, the international community is obligated to assist them because the protection of civilians in times of conflict is among the main issues of human security.

The concept of Human Security is also related to post-conflict peacebuilding, which promotes and strengthens respect and adherence to international humanitarian law and International Criminal Court (ICC), along with exerting efforts to protect civilians in conflict situations and holding perpetrators of war crimes accountable and ending their impunity.

Moreover, the concept of Human Security is similar to human rights principles, especially the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. The logic of human security is also based on supporting development; and it includes economic security, political security, and the right of human beings to have an adequate standard of living.

Therefore, human security cannot be isolated from the discourse of the human rights system in times of peace and times of conflict. However, human security is characterized by being more implementable and practicable. It also leads to more effectiveness and justice because it is not only concerned with protecting and preserving people’s rights, but also on developing these rights.

The notion of Human Security also takes the issue of social exclusion into consideration, and it highlights the impact of social inequality on development. Therefore, it addresses the exclusion of minorities and the multiplier effects on marginalized groups (including their deprivation of accessing basic public services). Hence, human security calls for providing services to meet the needs of these groups, while taking their different circumstances into consideration. This comes as part of a holistic development vision to reach the most marginalized communities and enhance welfare and social harmony, while aiming to make significant achievements in different countries.

These aspects led to a shift in global attention. Hence, the United Nations Security Council adopted a number of resolutions that cover broader aspects of protecting the rights of marginalized groups in conflict situations, such as countering the deliberate use of rape as a war strategy and considering sexual violence a war crime.

Second Section: Human Rights Violations in Occupied Jerusalem and their Ramifications on Human Security:

The conclusions of the first section indicate the presence of a direct correlation between human security and the human rights condition. For example, an improvement in the human rights condition will lead to a better human security status. On the other hand, a rise in human rights violations will show a declining human security status. And in the case of grave human rights violations, the lack of human security (i.e., “human insecurity”) is likely to be seen.

This section underlines the main human rights violations committed against Palestinians in East Jerusalem in light of the Human Security concept. In this context, we will assess the impact of these violations on human security and its components. This is done while taking gender aspects into consideration, such as examining the effects of these violations on Palestinian women in East Jerusalem.

We will therefore highlight five major violations of the rights of Palestinians in occupied East Jerusalem, namely: the closure of cultural institutions and preventing cultural activities; extrajudicial killings; house demolitions; restricting economic rights; and attacking civilians in public spaces.

According to international law, East Jerusalem is under military occupation. Despite the United Nations Security Council’s call for Israeli troops to withdraw from East Jerusalem (as set forth in UNSCR 242), Israel illegally annexed it and imposed its laws on this occupied territory. The Israeli occupation treats the indigenous Palestinian population of Jerusalem as “permanent residents”, while considering Israeli settlers “full citizens”. Israel also enforces Judaization policies on Jerusalem, in violation of basic human rights, such as:

1. Closure of cultural institutions and prevention of cultural activities:

   The Occupation’s actions against East Jerusalem’s cultural sector strengthened Israeli control over the city and promoted the “Rabbinical Jewish” character versus the Palestinian indigenous one. This includes the forced closure of official Palestinian institutions and placing huge obstacles before cultural institutions and civil society organizations.

   Cultural organizations in occupied Jerusalem are forced to abide by administrative orders issued by the Israeli Ministry of Interior and senior Police officers. It is also worth noting that cultural institutions are considered a “security file” according to Israeli occupation authorities and not service entities, hence they are constantly subjected to Police censorship and monitoring.

   Numerous administrative orders prohibit Jerusalemite Palestinians from holding different activities, such as competitions, workshops, and other events. Statistical data shows that, as of 2019, a total of 120 cultural institutions were closed down in East Jerusalem. There are also different types of closure, such as completely closing down an organization by revoking its license; closure of an organization for a certain period of time under an administrative order; or the suspension of a certain cultural activity and prosecuting those who organized it.

   The suspension of cultural activities is accompanied by different forms of violence perpetrated against event attendees and organizers. Moreover, Occupation forces often destroy the properties of cultural venues and attack the audience in such activities.

   These actions violate the right to participate in cultural life, as well as other related rights, such as the freedom of expression. Such practices also weaken community security, which is one of the components of human security, thus undermining the safety of the occupied population. These policies also affect personal security, whereas they consider people’s expression of their culture a “legal violation”. Furthermore, numerous assaults are committed against the participants and attendees of cultural events, thus violating their freedoms.

   This systematic policy aims to minimize Palestinian presence in Jerusalem and obstructs women’s inclusion and participation in the activities of civil society organizations (CSOs), thereby reducing women’s involvement. In the absence of clear protection mechanisms, some women are forced to refrain from participating in community activities – or are reluctant to engage in civil society institutions – out of fear of being attacked by Israeli Police.

   Several reports have documented that the organizers of cultural activities are many times physically assaulted, detained for several hours, and even threatened with revoking their temporary residency.

   Israel’s actions against cultural organizations – which constitute a flagrant violation of cultural rights – greatly weakened these organizations, thus affecting the Jerusalemite community’s participation in cultural life. This led to poor cultural knowledge among Palestinian residents, thus decreasing their national, political, and societal awareness. Unfortunately, the problem of cultural organizations in Jerusalem is rarely mentioned due to considering cultural rights as “complementary rights” and not as a requirement for confronting the violation of the right to housing and decent living, which are the main problems suffered by the Jerusalemite Palestinian community.

2. Extrajudicial Killings:

   On the 16th of June 2021, PhD student Mai Afaneh was killed in cold blood by Israeli occupation soldiers in the district of Jerusalem. The soldiers shot at her while she was in her car and prevented any ambulances from reaching her. They also kept her corpse and prevented her family from bidding her farewell and burying her decently. Israeli news agencies claimed that Mai tried to run over the soldiers. However, Mai’s case is not an exception, and she is only one of more than 2,000 Palestinians who were unjustly killed since 2015.

   Extrajudicial killings deprive Palestinians of their basic right to a fair trial. This is committed through a systematic policy adopted by Israeli forces since the beginning of the Occupation. Extrajudicial killings are also considered a compounded crime because they breach several international violations. This is because international law strongly supports the right to a fair and public trial by an independent and impartial court. The said acts also contravene the “presumption of innocence” (“innocent until proven guilty”) principle. It is also worth noting that, in some cases, extrajudicial killings are considered a war crime.

   In most cases, Israeli authorities claim that these killings are “acts of self-defense”. However, the facts regarding the majority of these incidents clearly show that these acts are arbitrary and unjustified extrajudicial killings. The said circumstances include the following:

   1. Absence of an imminent danger: In most cases, the victims do not pose any threat or danger to soldiers’ lives. For example, there are many cases of shooting at wounded persons or those who flee, as well as shooting at unarmed protesters. Reported cases also showed the extrajudicial murder of women and minors, although these groups are usually harmless and physically incapable of launching effective attacks on well-trained soldiers. Therefore, it is impossible that they would pose an “imminent danger” on the gunmen.

   2. A clear disregard for the principle of neutrality and proportionality: This is a major principle of international humanitarian law. The principle of proportionality seeks to limit the harm caused by military operations by requiring that the means and methods of warfare would not be disproportionate in relation to the desired military advantage. Therefore, this principle should be applied in cases where an Occupation soldier can greatly hamper the movement of the suspect by shooting at the lower parts of his/her body instead of shooting at the upper parts (leading to murder). Documented cases also showed that, in many cases, Israeli soldiers shoot to kill instead of neutralizing the suspects.

   3. [Israeli] Politicians who urge civilians to carry weapons and openly call for executions: For example, Jerusalem District Police Commander Moshe Edri was quoted as saying: “Anyone who stabs Jews or hurts innocent people is due to be killed.” Moreover, Interior Security Minister Gilad Arden declared that “every terrorist should know that s/he will not survive the attack s/he is about to commit.”

   4. Use of Excessive Force by Israeli Soldiers: The use of excessive force has been perpetually practiced since the inception of the Israeli occupation, and it is clearly seen in cases of extrajudicial killings.

      The policy of extrajudicial killings pursued by Occupation authorities constantly threatens the lives of Palestinians and their personal and community security. This led to a state of fear, anxiety, and panic and it violates a number of basic human rights. Such policies enhance societal restrictions imposed on women under the pretext of “protection”. Therefore, the different human rights violations perpetrated by Israeli authorities curtail Palestinian presence in public spaces and restrict their free and safe movement between cities. The effects of these crimes are especially harmful to Palestinian women, who are constantly subjected to significant threats and dangers.

3. Restriction of Economic Rights:

   Since the occupation of East Jerusalem in 1967 and imposition of Israeli law therein, Israeli authorities have constantly exploited the law to limit the different aspects of Palestine life. This was done to undermine the livelihoods of the indigenous population and push them to leave their city under a “silent transfer” policy.

   Israel’s restriction of Palestinian economic rights is a vivid example of exploiting the Israeli law to Judaize the city and expand their control over it.

   The imposition of complicated Israeli laws on occupied East Jerusalem greatly puzzles local merchants and entrepreneurs. The Occupation also imposes exorbitant taxes and fees on East Jerusalem’s commercial enterprises and does not provide them with governmental support. Moreover, it is difficult for these businesses to receive tax reductions because most Palestinian merchants are ignorant of Israeli laws imposed by the occupier.

   In 2021, a quarter of the shops of Jerusalem’s Old City were closed down and had to discontinue their operations. On the other hand, Jerusalem is increasingly witnessing many small enterprises run by women. In this sector, women offer their distinctive handicrafts for sale and positively affect the society. In fact, women seem to be the most motivated to produce, hence they play a leading role in small-sized enterprises in occupied Jerusalem. Due to the restrictions imposed by the Israeli occupation on various business sectors, Jerusalemite women resort to bazaars organized by civil society organizations to present their diverse products. But even the bazaars are sometimes attacked and closed down, similar to what happens in cultural activities. This includes assaults on bazaar participants and organizers, as well as attacking and terrorizing the visitors.

   The economic environment in Jerusalem is in a terrible condition full of challenges. Therefore, small enterprises there need support and empowerment programs. However, empowerment programs are also subjected to limitations, similar to those suffered by cultural organizations. This is because the empowerment of small enterprises is considered a “security file” by the Occupation and not a vital right and service. Hence, empowerment programs require the approval and oversight of Israeli Police.

   These policies, along with excessive tax penalties imposed on Palestinian enterprises, are considered impediments of economic security in occupied Jerusalem. This reduces the opportunity to develop start-up companies and leads to the closure of current businesses. These restrictions prompt young potential entrepreneurs to think about alternative ways to find a livelihood under occupation.

4. House Demolitions:

   House demolitions are among the most obvious forms of forced displacement perpetrated by Occupation authorities. In several cases, these acts also constitute a war crime and a crime against humanity. Israeli occupation authorities use the pretext of “building without a permit” to destroy residential facilities, along with placing heavy restrictions in the procedures for obtaining building permits. During the first quarter of 2021, Palestinian families in Jerusalem witnessed a 40% increase in house demolitions compared to previous years. Also, the Occupation’s executive branch has the power to issue demolition orders which are often non-appealable; meaning that the Israeli judiciary has no authority to review them. These illicit acts are usually based on the “Kaminitz Law”, which grants broad powers to the executive branch regarding demolitions and the imposition of exorbitant taxes on house-related “violations”, thus undermining the power of judicial authorities. The said law also prevents courts from freezing demolition orders, hence the Planning and Building Department can freely issue an administrative order to demolish a building – along with imposing a fine of hundreds of thousands of Shekels - without court permission. The Israeli government boasts that, through this law, they were able to cut down 80 percent of the construction in “unregulated” Arab towns.

   This policy threatens to make many Palestinian families homeless overnight and imposes harsh and unbearable circumstances. The said practice breaches the right to adequate housing and contravenes the Geneva Conventions, which prohibit the forcible transfer of protected civilians.

   This also threatens and undermines the personal security of individuals. Women are particularly vulnerable in such cases, as they are forced to adapt to a new situation and assume their previous responsibilities with must less means.

   The said policy also affects the roles of women due to moving to a new area and suffering from different circumstances after their house gets demolished. This transforms the lives of Jerusalemite Palestinian women from stability to displacement. It also affects their ability to access sufficient resources and restore their sense of belonging in light of constant fear and anxiety. It also destabilizes the economic situation and affects the family structure due to the loss of livelihoods, properties, and belongings as well as the loss of privacy.

   International law links the right to adequate housing with human security since the latter is a major component of the right to an adequate standard of living. Therefore, the “indivisible” approach applies to basic human rights, such as the right to food, water, health, work, property, well-being, safe housing, and protection from inhuman or degrading treatment. The definition of the “Right to Adequate Housing” shows that this term is more than providing a roof for a person to live under, but it also includes a person’s right to live a safe and honourable life in an adequate housing away from threats. Therefore, the international community considers forced displacement a gross violation of international law. This act [i.e., forced displacement] can even constitute a war crime or a crime against humanity in some cases.

5. Attacking Civilians in Public Spaces:

   Israeli occupation authorities intentionally restrict the Palestinian right to access or be present in public places. This is done by attacking civilians in public spaces, conducting arbitrary arrests, and issuing orders to ban persons from approaching their city. The policy of attacking civilians runs contrary to international humanitarian law, as Article (27) of the Fourth Geneva Convention requires Occupation authorities to protect civilians and guarantee their basic rights. It also stipulates that “protected persons are entitled, in all circumstances, to respect for their persons, their honour, their family rights, their religious convictions and practices, and their manners and customs.” This Convention also states that individuals must be protected from any attack. Furthermore, the Occupation violates the Palestinian right of peaceful assembly, which was protected by Article (21) of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights.

   The said policies directly affect Palestinian women, who are forced to stay in private spaces and are permanently threatened in the public sphere, including threats to their community security and personal security.

Occupied Jerusalem – Fares Rajabi and his brothers had nothing much to offer their only sister on her wedding day, but to hold her hand while they carefully walked her to her groom, through the rubble of their demolished home. On May 10, Israel’s Jerusalem municipality bulldozers tore their family home to the ground, turning it to dust.

Nonetheless, Faris could not hide his joy for his sister, who would be moving to her new husband’s home, now her only shelter, after their family’s house was reduced to rubble and debris.

The bride, decked out in white, came out of their demolished home in Ein Al Loza, Silwan, surrounded by her extended family who insisted on being present, not only to share in her happy day but also to thwart Israel’s attempts at ruining her wedding. Earlier, an army patrol car raided the area, almost wrecking the entire day.

Residents of Silwan say they were deeply moved by scenes of Fares’s sister as she walked with her brothers among the ruins of her family home. The people of her town gathered around in solidarity with the family and to share in their bittersweet day.

Fares’s was just one Rajabi family targeted by Israeli occupation authorities who lived in the same apartment building. In all, 40 people called this building home, which Israeli authorities demolished under the pretext of lacking a building permit.

Fares, 34, was livid. “[Israeli] municipality teams did not even allow us to take out belongings out,” he said. “This building was established in 2000 and is comprised of three floors and five apartments. Apparently, it was not enough for Israeli authorities that we have paid a total of approximately ILS300,000 in municipal violations in addition to lawyer and engineer fees.”

The Rajabis were not the only Jerusalemite family forced to hold their daughter’s wedding under extraordinary circumstances, due to Israeli measures that violate Jerusalemites’ right to housing and freedom of movement more often than not.

In November of last year, Jerusalem Governor, Adnan Gheith was prevented from attending his only daughter Muna’s wedding, after the Israeli military order barring him entry into the West Bank was renewed.

Since 2018, Israeli authorities have persecuted Ghaith, slapping him with one military order after another, subjecting him to numerous procedures ranging from being barred entry into the West Bank, to prohibiting him from communicating with various leaders and personalities and putting him under house arrest in Silwan. This is over and above the dozens of arrests and summons for questioning he has endured over the years. These measures have had a profound effect on his family, which was forced to celebrate their daughter’s wedding without him. His only possible role was to walk her to the door of her Jerusalem home, where she was joined by her groom, who whisked her off to Ramallah, where the wedding party was being held.

At the time, the Ghaith family tried to wait until their father’s house arrest was over on November 21. They had already postponed Muna’s wedding more than once, once waiting for Adnan to be released from detention and then again because of his house arrest. Then days before the last house arrest order was due to end, occupation authorities renewed it. By then, it was too late to change the wedding date again and Muna was married without her father, on a day every father and family wait for.

Still, Adnan would not be completely deterred from participating in Muna’s wedding. On the day, when he walked her to her groom’s car, his entire family and residents from Silwan, gathered around, throwing an impromptu celebration at the entrance to their home, in the midst of Adnan’s tears as he bid his daughter farewell.

As for the Rajabi house, it is one among thousands targeted by Israeli municipal authorities in Jerusalem. Since the start of this year, the municipality has demolished scores of homes in several areas of the city, particularly Silwan, where also over 6,870 other administrative and judicial demolition orders have been distributed.

“At the end of the day, we do not want this occupation to look more pleasant and more beautiful. We want to end this occupation, have our own state and independence, and naturally build our society like any other people in the world. For me, the critical point is to end the occupation, not make it more convenient. And so, I do not need support in terms of making the situation of women human rights defenders better. Perhaps I want to stop being a human rights defender.“ (S. F. Addameer)

The human rights violations caused by the Israeli occupation do not affect one or two aspects of Palestinians' lives but rather every aspect of their lives, causing them severe suffering and obstacles during their day-to-day life. While this violence is targeted against the entirety of the Palestinian people, including women, children and the elderly, it has a disproportionate impact on women due to reinforcement of patriarchy, traditional gender roles and stereotypes, as well as the reproduction of the cycle of violence by the stronger social group against the weaker social group, and signifying diminishing acceptance and tolerance to diversity and difference.

Despite the multitude of instruments and mechanisms to protect from violence in times of armed conflict including the framework of international human rights law, international humanitarian law and international criminal law in addition to the women, peace and security (WPS) agenda; women in Palestine are subjected to several human rights violations caused by the Israeli occupation making it nearly impossible for them to freely enjoy their rights.

Between a patriarchal society and a colonial occupation, women's rights defenders face many restrictions and violations of their rights. The Israeli authorities sharply increased their measures to silence the active voices and the civil society organizations around all of historical Palestine. The ongoing injustice that Palestinians have been living under for more than 70 years takes limitless forms, in this article, the researcher will focus on the attacks by the Israeli authorities on women's rights defenders with a gender lens in reference to the United Nations Security Council Resolution (UNSCR) 1325.

Women rights are human rights, this phrase was first used in the 1980s and early 1990s. Stating that women rights are a part and parcel of human rights. In the past century the movement of protecting and recognizing women rights has indeed increased. During this movement, the WPS agenda was formally initiated by the UNSCR 1325 in 2000 that was the first landmark resolution on WPS that addresses the impact of war on women and the importance of women’s full and equal participation in conflict resolution, peacebuilding, peacekeeping, humanitarian response and in post-conflict reconstruction. The resolution also calls for special measures to protect women and girls from conflict-related sexual violence and outlines gender-related responsibilities of the United Nations in different political and programmatic areas .

The UNSCR1325 has four pillars :-

1. Participation: Calls for increased participation of women at all levels of decision-making, including in national, regional, and international institutions; in mechanisms for the prevention, management and resolution of conflict; in peace negotiations; in peace operations, as soldiers, police, and civilians; and as Special Representatives of the U.N. Secretary-General.

2. Protection: Calls specifically for the protection of women and girls from sexual and gender-based violence, including in emergency and humanitarian situations, such as in refugee camps.

3. Prevention: Calls for improving intervention strategies in the prevention of violence against women, including by prosecuting those responsible for violations of international law; strengthening women’s rights under national law; and supporting local women’s peace initiatives and conflict resolution processes.

4. Relief and recovery: Calls for advancement of relief and recovery measures to address international crises through a gendered lens, including by respecting the civilian and humanitarian nature of refugee camps, and considering the needs of women and girls in the design of refugee camps and settlements.

On the 19th of October 2021, Israel's Defense Minister Benny Gantz designated six leading Palestinian human rights and civil society groups as "terrorist organizations" under Israel's domestic Counter-Terrorism (Anti-Terror) Law (2016). The six groups are: Addameer, Al-Haq, Bisan Center for Research and Development, Defense for Children International – Palestine (DCI-P), the Union of Agricultural Work Committees (UAWC), and the Union of Palestinian Women's Committees (UPWC). The Israeli military commander also outlawed all six groups under the 1945 Emergency (Defense) Regulations, declaring them "unlawful associations" . These baseless designations aim to delegitimize and discredit the work of these groups, placing the organizations, their staff, and their supporters in danger of criminal charges.

Israel continues its aggressive and illegal treatment of human rights defenders due to their coverage of Israeli violations towards Palestinians and continued presence in peaceful demonstrations. Women human rights defenders have been frequently targeted and have suffered gravely from such disproportionate attacks . Women activists and journalists have been subjected to night raids, arrests and punitive measures under the pretext of “incitement” . Since May 2021, there was a fundamental engagement of young Palestinian women leaders from Jerusalem specially in Sheikh Jarrah and Silwan describing their reality and providing their views, the role of young women leaders in defending the rights of Jerusalemites in general was remarkable and challenging to the stereotypes. However, the attacks by the Israeli forces against these women was more than brutal. Muna Al-Kurd 23-years-old an activist and journalist from Sheik jarrah was subjected to several physical and psychological harassments from the Israeli forces and settlers, in addition to arresting her in June 2021 for questioning regarding her activism. The arrest of Muna Al-Kurd came hours after the arrest of Givara Budeiri a journalist for Al-Jazeera news network who was reporting on a sitting protest in Sheikh Jarrah. Givara was assaulted by the Israeli forces and her equipment was destroyed as well. She was released after several hours from custody . Nufuz Hammad a 15-year-old girl from Sheikh Jarrah was arrested in December 2021, in addition to her arresting; her family is one of the six families who are facing forced displacement from their home in Shaikh Jarrah.

Under the International Declaration of Human Rights Defenders, the work of defenders must be protected alongside their right to freedom of expression and peaceful assembly. Israel aims to create an environment through its systematic policies and illegal treatment to the human rights defenders where they can’t practice their work freely and where they are in danger of criminal charges and several restrictions.

In reality, Israel illegally takes measures to prohibit Palestinians from advocating for their rights or making any expression of a political nature. These measures are in violation of international human rights law and principles relating to freedom of expression and association, and the entitlements of human right defenders to carry out their work .

One of the many measures taken by the Israeli authorities to silence the women human rights defenders is the Israel’s military order 101 of 1967 that prohibits various demonstrations, protests, and gatherings which are offensive to Israel’s political interests. The order justifies targeting human rights defenders to prevent them from peaceful political expression. Palestinian women defenders, journalists, and media students are being exposed to various forms of violations by Israeli occupation forces, through harassment, physical abuse, censorship, equipment confiscation, interrogation, restriction of movement, detention, arrest, and protection of settler violence, all effectively restricting the ability of defenders to continue their work promoting the rights of Palestinians .

In general, human rights defenders in Palestine face many restrictions and many systematic measures from the Israeli authorities to restrict their work, their right to reach information and practice their job freely, while human rights defenders fights for the rights of people, they themselves face many human rights violations from the Israeli authorities. One of the most common measures taken by the Israeli authorities against human rights defenders is to restrict their work by arresting them. Several women rights defenders have been arrested and many are still arrested.

According to research prepared by Addammer; there are 33 female prisoners in Hasharon and Damon prisons. Both of these prisons are located outside the 1967 occupied territory, in direct contravention of Article 76 of the Fourth Geneva Convention, which states that “an Occupying Power must detain residents of occupied territory in prisons inside the occupied territory”. Female detainees are immediately subjected to various kinds of abuse, and even torture, by the occupation authorities, including dawn arrests, constant transfers between detention centers – and, once in prison, long-term separation from their children . the majority of Palestinian women prisoners are subjected to some form of psychological torture and ill-treatment throughout the process of their arrest and detention, including various forms of sexual violence that occur such as beating, insults, threats, body searches, and sexual harassment. Upon arrest, women detainees are not informed where they are being taken and are rarely explained their rights during interrogation. These techniques of torture and ill-treatment are used not only as means to intimidate Palestinian women detainees but also as tools to humiliate Palestinian women and coerce them into giving confessions .

Ms. Shatha Odeh a 60- year- old nurse and the Director of the Palestinian NGO Health Work Committees was arrested in July 2021 with no arrest warrant and without informing her of the reasons for her arrest. Since her arrest, Ms. Odeh has suffered several violations of her right to liberty and of her right to a fair trial, in breach of articles 9 and 14 respectively of the ICCPR. Her detention has been reviewed and extended by a tribunal composed of three military judges, despite her status as a civilian. Ms Odeh’s right to health has also been violated. She suffers from a number of chronic conditions requiring her to take specific medications regularly. The Israeli Prison Service has repeatedly neglected her medical needs; until 15 July, it denied Ms. Odeh access to one of her essential medications. As her arbitrary detention continues, her health keeps deteriorating . Moreover, the prominent human-rights activist and president of the Union of Palestinian Women’s Committees (one of the six designated civil society organizations) Khitam Saafin, 58- years- old was arrested in November 2020 and placed under administrative detention, without charge or trial for nearly 15 months until the military prosecutor submitted a list of charges against her on 8 June 2021 and sentenced her for a 16 months’ imprisonment and a fine of 1500 ILS .

According to a special study prepared by MIFTAH on “Palestinian Women: The Disproportionate Impact of the Israeli Occupation”, 33 percent of the interviewed women refugees had been directly exposed to physical assault by Israeli Occupation Forces. As many as 21 percent had been beaten or tear gased at Israeli checkpoints while they were pregnant, and 4 percent reported that they aborted or gave birth at Israeli checkpoints. Moreover, 24 percent were forced to live in shelters or with extended family and 37 percent had been exposed to detention or interrogation. The physical violence women experience while living in the refugee camps is alarming and the number of psychological violence is even higher. Moreover, 72 percent of Palestinian women feel panicked when they hear the sounds of Israeli bullets, war jets, bombs or Palestinian ambulances, and 88 percent confirm that they feel terrified when Occupation Forces storm the camp. These women live in a mentally stressed environment where it is hard to feel safe because they have experienced or know that physical violence is a part of their everyday life. As they describe their experience a “triangle of oppression “due to a combination of violence committed by the Israeli occupation and their daily life and traditional attitudes towards women from a suppressive and patriarchal environment.

In conclusion, according to UNSCR 1325, the party states should protect women from all forms of violence and calls for improving intervention strategies in the prevention of violence against women, including by prosecuting those responsible for violations of international law under Article 11 that calls the responsibility of all states to put an end to impunity and to prosecute those responsible for crimes against humanity and war crimes including those relating to sexual and other violence against women and girls. Article 10 of the resolution calls all parties to armed conflict to take special measures to protect women and girls from gender-based violence. The violations of women rights defenders by the Israeli occupation authorities are with no doubt a gender-based violence that is directed against women because she is a woman or that affects women disproportionately.

The application of the WPS agenda in its current status is not serving the protection that is required for Palestinian women and women rights defenders. Even though UNSCR 1325 is created and centered towards the protection of women in times of conflict but from my point of view it’s not serving its purpose fully. The women in Palestine are still facing many obstacles and restrictions during their daily life and are subjected to all forms of violence either in the Israeli prisons, checkpoints, freedoms and their basic human rights. Article nine that calls upon all parties to armed conflict to respect fully international law applicable to the rights and protection of women and girls. It is crystal clear that the Israeli occupation have no respect to the international law and to the Conventions and resolutions related to the protection of human rights, therefore it’s time to stop calling for respect and start calling for an end to the impunity and accountability. The status and the protection of Palestinian women is decreasing day after day, and it strongly requires a move to action from all parties committed to UNSCR 1325 and the international community.

Ola Salem is the second recipient of the women, peace and security scholarship in memory of Zaida Catalلn from the Folke Bernadotte Academy (FBA ) of Sweden

There is no point falling into the pit of countering the claims being made about the death of Mohammed Al Durra, the 12-year old boy from Gaza whose videotaped killing was seen around the world. The boy, crouching in fear behind is equally afraid father as bullets whizzed around them, was killed admittedly by the Israeli army. Later, the army recanted after investigating the tape, saying Durra was killed by Palestinian fire instead. Well now, Israel is changing its story altogether, saying he was not killed at all. In fact, he was probably not even wounded and the French channel that broadcast the footage and brought some pretty bad rap to Israel, had most likely filmed a charade.

The reason why I will not waste my time countering this claim is that even with the great lengths the Israeli government went to to prove that the boy was never killed, it could not provide any irrefutable proof that Mohammed Al Durra – who would be 25 now – is still alive. No pictures, no testimonies, no hospital or morgue officials giving statements to refute his death, have been provided. Only sketchy information about ‘poor quality footage’ and the fact that it seems as though the boy moved his arm after he had slumped over his father following the explosion.

My point is this: indeed, Mohammed Durra’s death was at least one of the catalysts that fueled the second Intifada, and thus, was an important event in the history of the Palestinians. However, more importantly – most importantly to me –is the fact that this is about a boy who died in sheer terror, with his distraught father futilely trying to shelter him from the barrage of bullets coming their way.

Mohammed Al Durra was a boy, with a life, a family and friends. He died a horrible death and now he is being made to die a second one. I did not know Mohammed or his family, but I can only imagine how awful it must be for them to read these claims now and feel the pain of losing their child all over again. If nothing else, this is disrespect for human life of the worst kind.

Some may postulate that the rehashing of the Durra case is a personal jab at the French cameraman who shot the footage, Charles Enderlin. Perhaps. But as a Palestinian who has seen the pain endured by numerous families who receive the horrible news that their sons or daughters have been killed by the Israeli army, my concern is for his family and for his memory. He should be left to rest in peace. If Israel has axes to grind with French journalists or with the international community for holding it accountable for its actions, then so be it. Israel is not lacking in the public relations department.

That being said, there is just one decent thing left to do. Leave Mohammed Al Durra and his memory alone.

Joharah Baker is a Writer for the Media and Information Department at the Palestinian Initiative for the Promotion of Global Dialogue and Democracy (MIFTAH). She can be contacted at mid@miftah.org.

This week Palestinians will commemorate Al Nakba, the catastrophe that befell the Palestinian people when Israel was founded. Every year, Palestinians hang placards pointing to the right of return, they carry keys symbolizing the homes they were forced to leave and could not return to and remember the Palestine that was lost to them 65 years ago.

This year will be no different. Every May 15, Palestinian recall their catastrophe and demand justice. They demand that they are granted the right of return for those who were made refugees virtually overnight and were then relegate to a life they did not choose. But more than anything, they demand recognition of the tragedy that befell them rather than a denial that it ever happened, or worse, that it was of their own making.

It has been 65 years since Israel was established in 1948, which means those who were cast into exile are either very old or have long passed. Those who experienced the Nakba are now few and far between, clinging to those few precious memories of a small garden in front of their house in Jaffa or of the salty smell of the sea in their neighborhood in Haifa. The rest of us are either descendants of these refugees or ordinary Palestinians who feel their cause is our cause because we are one people.

But the Palestinians have made one thing clear. The refugee issue will not die with the last refugee. It is felt nationwide, the loss, the injustice and the fact that those who were forced from their homes have mostly passed, longing for their beloved homes.

We cannot turn back time. What was lost has been altered, destroyed, changed or taken over by Israel’s newcomers. What we can do is hold on to the right to be recognized, for the injustice to be rectified in word and deed and for Palestine to never be lost in our minds or hearts.

Joharah Baker is a Writer for the Media and Information Department at the Palestinian Initiative for the Promotion of Global Dialogue and Democracy (MIFTAH). She can be contacted at mid@miftah.org.

Almost every Palestinian I know has fallen in love with Mohammed Assaf. Charismatic, young, confident and with a set of pipes that can blow your socks off, Assaf has shot to stardom and has become one of Palestine’s most beloved treasures. The 22-year old Gazan has made it to Arab Idol’s coveted Top Ten and for good reason. He is an outstanding singer. Even I, someone who is not much of an Arab Idol fan, find myself waiting each week just to hear Assaf belt out classical Arabic songs, trendy modern ones or nationalist Palestinian songs followed by heaps of praise and applause.

The charming young man has captured the hearts of his people, not only because he is such a wonderful singer but because he cajoled an Egyptian border officer to let him out of the Rafah Crossing so he could make it to the try-outs in Cairo; because he was late anyway and jumped the fence over into the building where they were being held; because he was still not registered and thus would have missed his chance if it weren’t for another Palestinian contestant who selflessly offered his number to Assaf after recognizing him; it is because he smiles so broadly when he sings, flirting playfully with the judges; because he wore the black-and-white Palestinian kuffiyeh when he sang about Palestine and because he said Samer Issawi, the Palestinian hunger striker who went without food for eight months was an “inspiration”. Then of course, we love to listen to Mohammed Assaf because he sounds so darn good.

There is another dimension that we love about Assaf because it embodies what we all believe to be uniquely Palestinian. Apart from the fact that he lives in the besieged Gaza Strip, he is a student of media, he is a singer and he has dreams for himself completely separate from the collective dream of the liberation of Palestine.

I think that is also why we like him so much. We see the hope for our sons and daughters mirrored in him. He is not one-dimensional – he makes sure his audience knows that with the range of songs he chooses to sing. From his Palestinian national song “Oh Flying Bird”, to Abdel Halim Hafez, one of Arab music’s giants, to a song by Ragheb Alama, one of the judges, Assaf has proven that he can run with the best. Alama even gave him copyrights to his song after hearing his amazing rendition.

In short, the Palestinians are proud to have a contestant as strong as Mohammed Assaf on the show. Watching him brings out a sense of national pride – President Mahmoud Abbas has asked the people to vote for him – and it reminds us that we can excel despite adversity.

I have never partaken in the mania of text voting for hopefuls on Arab Idol or any other show for that matter. Strangely however, I find myself leaning towards breaking that streak and punching in the number “3” for Mohammed Assaf. He may not be the next Arab Idol, but to Palestinians, he has already won.

Joharah Baker is a Writer for the Media and Information Department at the Palestinian Initiative for the Promotion of Global Dialogue and Democracy (MIFTAH). She can be contacted at mid@miftah.org.

Oppression can do strange things to people. When it is oppression in the form of a decades-long military occupation, it means the occupied people run the risk of becoming one-dimensional in the sense that the occupation is what defines them and shapes their past, present and future.

For the Palestinians, this is true to a large extent. Because the Israeli occupation consumes us, preoccupies our everyday lives and effects the smallest aspects of it, we find ourselves thinking mostly about this occupation and ways to resist it, do away with it, or at least work around it.

The thing is, the Palestinians are hardly one-dimensional. The fact that the occupation has taken over so much of our lives does not mean we do not have the potential to embrace other less discouraging aspects of life itself. In the past week, Ramallah – the hub of Palestinian cultural life – has seen Palestinian Fashion Week, the Contemporary Dance Festival and a Spring Festival for children. All of the above activities have been distinctly Palestinian but they were not solely catered to the traditional theme of occupation and oppression, which the Palestinians have grown so accustomed to and believe is the only way the world views them.

At the Nuwwar Nissan Festival [The Blossoms of Spring] , children danced debka [Palestinian traditional dance] wearing Palestinian kuffiyehs around their necks. Some even had little Palestinian flags painted on their cheeks. But mostly, there were happy children with butterflies or flowers for faces, carrying balloons, eating sweets and watching puppet shows.

At the fashion show, young fresh-faced Palestinian women walked a mini runway wearing stylish spring clothes, some of which had more than a hint of Palestinian heritage. There were dresses with Palestinian embroidery in traditional black and red, jackets with distinct Palestinian markings. But overall, this was a fashion show, a chance for young entrepreneurs and fashion designers to showcase their skills, for young women into fashion to dress up and march down the catwalk and for Palestinians interested in this art form to take part in something a bit different than usual.

At the final performance of the Contemporary Dance Festival, physically disabled dancers performed incredible routines that would be a challenge for any able-bodied person. The message was twofold. Not only was it a reconfirmation that the handicapped can be part of anything they set their minds to in society and even excel where most others would fail, it was also a message forcing viewers to think outside the box. Contemporary dance incorporates unique and often bizarre concepts foreign to conservative societies but ones that allow the imagination and mind to travel to places it has never been.

This is what Palestinians are being exposed to slowly but surely. Unfortunately, there are many in this society who do not want change to come, will fight it tooth and nail and brand it as anti-Arab or anti-cultural, using religion and tradition as their crutch. But while the good and the bad comes with change, we must learn to embrace the process and the fact that it broadens our mental horizons even if we do not necessarily have a palette for fashion shows or contemporary dance or modern art. Palestine and the Palestinians are dynamic, vibrant and alive. It is not just the Israeli occupation that defines us even though it is the most imposing obstacle in our way. Let’s put it like this: once the Israeli occupation ends – and it will end without a doubt – the Palestinians need to fall back on a cultural canvas that embraces not only their collective history and culture but one which is also a space to explore infinite horizons.

Joharah Baker is a Writer for the Media and Information Department at the Palestinian Initiative for the Promotion of Global Dialogue and Democracy (MIFTAH). She can be contacted at mid@miftah.org.