Israeli occupation authorities have always implemented a dangerous policy of house arrest against Jerusalemite children in a bid to strip them of their sense of security, safety and mental stability. This is a policy that not only burdens children mentally but also creates financial and economic burdens on their families. What’s more, it deprives them of their right to education and to exercising their normal, everyday lives like any other children, resulting in accumulated psycho-social pressures on the family. Of course, this policy is not only limited to children but applies to many of Jerusalem’s Palestinian residents. Even officials such as Governor Adnan Gheith have been put under house arrest several times. However, children are the broadest sector affected by this policy.
Usually, Israeli authorities use this policy against children under the age of 18 and focus mostly on those under 14. This is because Israeli law does not allow children to be imprisoned under the age of 14. Instead, they place them under house arrest throughout the course of the trial, which is often very lengthy, until they come of age and can then be given an actual prison sentence. What’s more, the period of their house arrest is not retroactively included in the sentence, even if it lasts for years. According to statistics from the Prisoner Affairs Commission, there were 120 Jerusalemite children placed under house arrest in 2019, 90 children in 2018, 95 in 2017, 78 in 2016 and 60 in 2015.
Furthermore, at the domestic level, this is considered collective punishment against all family members and creates psychological barriers between children and their parents. This is because Israeli authorities make parents the legally responsible party for ensuring that their children remain at home, which means they must prevent them from leaving even if by force. If the child does leave the home, the parents are then obligated by law to inform the authorities or be held legally accountable and made to pay hefty fines. The court makes the parent sign a bond to guarantee that their child does not violate the house arrest order. In some cases, the court stipulates that the order must be carried out in a home outside of their place of residence, which means families are often forced to rent a house someplace else, thus creating even more financial burden on them. The sentence is also sometimes carried out in the home of a relative, which if prolonged, puts additional burden on the relative’s family as well.
“During the year and a half my son was under house arrest, he was under tremendous psychological strain. He tried to commit suicide three times and lived in constant fear. He also developed a sleeping disorder during this period. I suffered as well. Throughout this year and a half, I had to go with my son to meet his correctional officer every Wednesday and he would question him every time. I also went with him to court twice a month, where we spent several hours each time. I was in the house the whole time, which meant I took care of him and made sure he did not leave. I was completely separated from the outside world and my relationships with others suffered. I was imprisoned along with my son. (Maria’s testimony – Shufat Refugee Camp).
House arrest and international law:
Children everywhere are entitled to full human rights stipulated in the UN Charter, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the 1989 Convention on the Rights of the Child and all the international treaties and declarations that preceded these. They all confirmed the importance of the welfare of children in particular, such as the Geneva Declaration on the Rights of the Child in 1924 and the Declaration of the Rights of the Child adopted by the UN General Assembly on 20/11/1959. This is recognized in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the United Nations International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (particularly Articles 23 and 24), the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (particularly Article 10) and in the bylaws and statutes of the relevant agencies and international organizations on children’s rights. In addition, there are the provisions of the Declaration on Social and Legal Principles relating to the Protection and Welfare of Children, with special reference to Foster Placement and Adoption, the Beijing Principles on a model law on Juvenile Justice and the Declaration on the Protection of Women and Children in Emergency and Armed Conflict.
International human rights law and international humanitarian law provides ample space for guaranteeing the freedom of children, their protection, security and dignity in addition to guaranteeing they are not attacked and their rights preserved even in armed conflict. This is confirmed in the 1989 Convention on the Rights of the Child, its optional protocol, the Fourth Geneva Convention of 1949 and the additional protocols of 1977. The Convention on the Rights of the Child, Article 37 states: (a) No child shall be subjected to torture or other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment… (b) No child shall be deprived of his or her liberty unlawfully or arbitrarily. The arrest, detention or imprisonment of a child shall be in conformity with the law and shall be used only as a measure of last resort and for the shortest appropriate period of time; Every child deprived of his or her liberty shall have the right to prompt access to legal and other appropriate assistance, as well as the right to challenge the legality of the deprivation of his or her liberty before a court or other competent, independent and impartial authority”.
However, in the case of house arrest, the opposite has happened. In spite of international law, which is in consensus that the arrest of children should be the last resort and for the shortest period of time, occupation authorities have made these arrests the first option in dealing with children, treating them as adults and giving them high sentences. International human rights agreements, specifically the 1989 Convention on the Rights of the Child stressed on the need for legal protection for children and to preserve their lives and dignity in a manner that safeguards their opportunities to live and grow. This is something to which occupation forces give no value. Children are often beaten, humiliated and mistreated from the moment of their arrest and are questioned and interrogated in the absence of a lawyer or their parents, both violations of international law.
After the interrogation and the start of court proceedings, children are detained in their homes as a direct, first option. This could last for prolonged periods of time, sometimes exceeding a year to 18 months during the long drawn-out trial.
What’s more, international law imposes all possible restrictions with the goal of maintaining the child’s freedom even if that child committed a grave offense. Israeli authorities, however, detain children even for minor offenses. This seemingly long-term “soft policy” is a systematic policy aimed at breaking down a child’s character from the get-go.
Furthermore, the experience of house arrest could be repeated in the same child’s life. House arrests are usually imposed during lengthy trial proceedings during which the child is ‘accused’ of carrying out a certain act. That is, house arrest is imposed even when there is no proof he/she carried out the alleged offense. Hence, the child is not “convicted”, as stipulated in international law. Still, while the court proceedings are ongoing, Israeli authorities can place the child under months of house arrest until the final verdict is made. This policy does not take into consideration the mental, health or social state of the child or the family nor of that child’s priorities and best interests regarding his/her right to a normal education. During this period, the family is financially and mentally drained and the child could lose much of his/her education or even drop out of school completely. Such a harsh punishment on children and their families constitutes a threat to their educational and professional future and threatens the family’s stability overall.
Even if the child is eventually sentenced to prison, the period of house arrest is not retroactively included in the overall prison sentence. Many times the period of house arrest is longer than the actual prison sentence. For example, a child may be under house arrest for a year and then be given a sentence of 3-6 months. These are systematic and calculated steps aimed at undermining children’s mental health, their present and their future. This is a huge crime against childhood and is in contravention of all UN conventions and measures pertaining to children.
According to clinical psychologist from the Palestinian Center for Counseling, Murad Amro, “the resistance Jerusalemite children show to going back to school could be one form of rebellion and a cry of helplessness as a result of their ‘inability to feel safe and their failed expectations of being protected. These children are trying to push back against a social system that does not grant them protection.” Amro also maintains that house arrest affects children’s relationships including with their parents. “It leads to anxiety and a feeling of helplessness and also to psychological and behavioral problems and actual physical pain.” He says the experience “impacts their ability to maintain a sense of organization and self-mastery, which are necessary components for psycho-social processes….it causes alterations in familial relations and impacts self-conception and self-respect.” Furthermore, sociology and psychology expert Mohammed Tawil said 85% of Jerusalemite children have suffered psychological disturbances as a result of their detention and house arrest. Tempers and bedwetting were the most prominent symptoms they displayed.
Defense for Children International confirms the clear discrimination of Israeli occupation authorities between dealing with Israeli children “convicted’ of breaking the law and Palestinian children ‘accused’ of the same thing. In the first case, the arrest of an Israeli child is a last resort, while in the second case, arrest is the first. Since 2000 Israeli occupation forces have arrested an estimated 10,000 Palestinian children in the West Bank . As of December 2017, there were approximately 350 Palestinian children being held in Israeli prisons and detention centers, including Ofer and Megiddo. In 2018, DCI documented 120 cases of Palestinian children detained in the West Bank. Over half of these children stated that they had been verbally mistreated, threatened, humiliated or intimidated while 75% said they were physically attacked during the period of detention. Furthermore, Israeli forces held 22 children in isolation for a period of 24 hours or more. But the end of December, 2019, 186 Palestinian children between the ages of 14 and 17 had been detained, according to data issued by Israeli prison services.
The overwhelming majority of Palestinian children who are detained by Israeli authorities are held in the Ofer detention center in the West Bank or are illegally transferred to the Megiddo Prison inside the 1948 territories [Israel] . The data collected by DCI shows that Israeli forces verbally abused, humiliated and intimidated two-thirds of these children, who were also not allowed access to legal counsel prior to their questioning. Moreover, only three children had one of their parents present with them.
Case study
Suhaib Al Awar, 14, from the town of Silwan was placed under house arrest in 2012 for a period of 12 months. He spent four months in his grandmother’s home in the town of Jabal Mukkaber, Jerusalem. Throughout this period, he was not allowed to leave the house. His grandmother was required to remain with him at all times if his mother, grandfather or uncle were not present, which paralyzed the household. Everyone was forced to devote part of their time to staying with Suhaib in the home to ensure he did not leave. The family was also made to pay a fine of NIS5000 (US$1300) and a bond of an additional NIS50,000 [US$13,000] which would have to be paid if he violated his house arrest order.
During the 12 months he was under house arrest, Suhaib was not allowed to go to school except to sit for his final exams, on condition that his mother accompanied him. Kholoud Al Araj, Suhaib’s mother, said her son’s house arrest turned the entire family into prison wardens. After it was over, Suhaib spent two years in prison and then another four years for a separate charge with no regard to the time spent under house arrest.
Suhaib is a testament of the harsh punishments meted out against children. His mother recalls that since he turned 13, he has been arrested over 10 times including a 21-month long house arrest order in a separate case.
“The hardest was his third arrest, when he was 14 years old,” his mother says. “Everything was a shock to him: the arrest itself, the interrogation, the marks of abuse and torture on his face and ears, the court sessions. He was placed under house arrest for 12 months but even then, they did not leave him alone. They summoned him to the police station five times for questioning during that period. He could not sleep, neither at night nor during the day because of the psychological pressure he was under. I would get up in the middle of the night and find him wide awake. During this period, our relationship became very strained because I was forced to be his prison warden. His father had to sign papers pledging that if the terms of Suhaib’s house arrest were violated, he would have to pay a fine of NIS50,000.”
Nonetheless, Suhaib remained ambitious and determined to sit for his high school matriculation exams even while in prison, Kholoud says. “He wants to study political science, journalism or law and that he wants to be able to speak freely, without restrictions. I cannot help but worry about his life after he is released from prison, especially in these times. Living in Silwan is like living in a minefield which can explode at any moment. I must stay optimistic…but also careful.”
“This production is part of “Youth as Human Rights Defenders” project funded by the European Instrument for Human Rights and Democracy- European Union”-
The content of this document does not reflect the official opinion of the European Union. Responsibility for the information and views expressed in the factsheet lies entirely with the authors.
ورقة حقائق- سياسية الحبس المنزلي
تاريخ النشر: 07/04/2020
بقلم: مفتاح
تَتَّبِع سلطات الاحتلال الاسرائيلي سياسة خطيرة تجاه الأطفال المقدسيين، بحيث تُفقِد الطفل الشعور بالأمن الاجتماعي والاستقرار النفسي فهذه السياسة تهدف إلى تدمير نفسية الطفل وتشكيل أعباء مالية واقتصادية على عائلته، وفقدانه لحقه بالتعليم وممارسة حياته بشكل طبيعي كسائر الأطفال، الأمر الذي يؤدي إلى تراكم ضغوطات نفسية واجتماعية داخل الأسرة تماماً كسياسة القتل البطيء، وهذه السياسة يُطلَق عليها سياسة "الحبس المنزلي". وبالتأكيد سياسة الحبس المنزلي لا تقتصر فقط على الأطفال، حيث يعاني منها الكثير من أبناء المدينة، فحتى مسؤولين رسميين كمحافظ القدس عدنان غيث خضع للحبس المنزلي لفترات متباينة عدة مرات، ولكن شريحة الأطفال هي الشريحة الأوسع والأكثر تضرراً.
وعادةً ما تلجأ سلطات الاحتلال الإسرائيلي إلى هذا الاسلوب بحق الأطفال المقدسيين ممن هم دون سن 18 عام، وتتركز أكثر بمن هم دون 14 عام، وذلك كون القانون الإسرائيلي لا يجيز تنفيذ الحبس الفعلي بحق الأطفال دون 14 عام، فيبقونهم بالحبس المنزلي خلال إجراءات المحاكمة التي قد تستغرق وقتاً طويلاً، وذلك إلى حين بلوغهم هذا السن فحينها يستطيعون إيقاع عقوبة الحبس الفعلي بحقهم، دون احتساب مدة السجن البيتي حتى وإن استمرت لسنوات. وفقا للإحصاءات الصادرة عن "هيئة شؤون الأسرى والمحررين" فقد كان عدد الأطفال المقدسيين الذين صدرت بحقهم أحكام بالحبس المنزلي (120) طفلا في العام 2019 و (90) طفلا في العام 2018 و(95) طفلًا خلال عام 2017، و(78) طفلًا خلال العام 2016م، و(60) طفلًا خلال العام 2015.
كما أنها على المستوى الأسري تعتبر عقوبة جماعية بحق جميع أفراد الأسرة، كما تخلق حواجز نفسية ما بين الطفل وذويه، فالاحتلال يُجبِر الوالدين على أن يكونا مسؤولين أمام المحكمة على ضمان احتجاز طفلهم في بيته ومنعه من مغادرته ولو بالقوة، وفي حال أراد المغادرة فهم مطالبين بالإبلاغ عنه، وإلا تعرَّضوا للمساءلة القانونية ودفع الغرامات المالية الباهظة، حيث تُجبِر المحكمة أولياء أمر الطفل على التوقيع على كفالة مالية باهظة الثمن لضمان عدم خروج ابنهم من المنزل، وفي حال خرقه لقرار الحبس المنزلي. وفي بعض الحالات تُجبِر المحكمة الأهل على أن يكون الحبس المنزلي للطفل خارج نطاق سكنه، الذي يُجبِر العائلة في كثير من الحالات إلى استئجار منزل كامل له ليكون له سجن، وبالتالي مزيداً من الأعباء المالية على كاهلهم، أو قد يتم قضاء فترة الحبس المنزلي في بيت أحد أقربائه لمدة زمنية طويلة بشكل يُشَكِّل عبئ وحَرَج على جميع الأطراف.
"خلال العام ونصف من الإقامة الجبرية، عاش ابني تحت ضغط نفسي كبير. حاول الانتحار ثلاث مرات. استمر في العيش في خوف، إلى جانب تطوير حالة اضطراب نومي. خلال هذه الفترة، عانيت كثيرًا. اعتدت على مرافقة ابني خلال فترة العام ونصف العام بأكملها لمقابلة الضابط التأديبي كل يوم أربعاء، حيث كان يتم استجوابه في كل مرة. كنت أقوم بمرافقته إلى المحكمة مرتين كل شهر وأمضيت ساعات طويلة هناك، وكنت أيضًا أقيم معه في المنزل لأعتني به ولمنعه من الخروج. لقد انفصلت عن العالم الخارجي وتأثرت علاقاتي بالآخرين. لقد سجنت مع ابني." - (إفادة ماريا ه. من مخيم شعفاط للاجئين. )
سياسة الحبس المنزلي والقانون الدولي:
وبطبيعة الأمر، يستفيد الأطفال من جميع الحقوق لكافة بني البشر التي نصَّ عليها ميثاق الأمم المتحدة، والإعلان العالمي لحقوق الإنسان، والعهدين الدوليين، إضافة إلى الحقوق الخاصة بهم التي نظمتها اتفاقية حقوق الطفل لعام 1989، وما سبقها من مواثيق وإعلانات دولية أكدت على أهمية وجود رعاية خاصة للطفل، مثل إعلان جنيف لحقوق الطفل لعام 1924، وإعلان حقوق الطفل الذي اعتمدته الجمعية العامة للأمم المتحدة بتاريخ 20/11/1959، والمعترف به في الإعلان العالمي لحقوق الإنسان وفي العهد الدولي الخاص بالحقوق المدنية والسياسية (ولا سيما في المادتين 23 و 24)، وفي العهد الدولي الخاص بالحقوق الاقتصادية والاجتماعية والثقافية (ولا سيما في المادة 10)، وفي النظم الأساسية والصكوك ذات الصلة للوكالات المتخصصة والمنظمات الدولية المعنية بشؤون الطفل. إضافة إلى أحكام "الإعلان المتعلق بالمبادئ الاجتماعية والقانونية المتصلة بحماية الأطفال ورعايتهم مع الاهتمام الخاص بالحضانة والتبني"، وإلى قواعد الأمم المتحدة الدنيا النموذجية لإدارة شؤون قضاء الأحداث (قواعد بكين)، وإلى الإعلان بشأن حماية النساء والأطفال أثناء الطوارئ والمنازعات المسلحة.
ويوفر القانون الدولي لحقوق الإنسان والقانون الدولي الإنساني مساحة واسعة لضمان حرية الأطفال وتمتعهم بالحماية والأمن والكرامة، وضمان عدم التعرض لهم وحفظ حقوقهم حتى في ظل النزاعات المسلحة، وهذا ما تؤكد عليه اتفاقية حقوق الطفل لعام 1989 وبروتوكولاتها الاختيارية، واتفاقيات جنيف الأربع لعام 1949 وبروتوكولاها الإضافيان لعام 1977. تؤكد اتفاقية حقوق الطفل في المادة 37 (أ): "تكفل الدول الأطراف: "(أ) ألا يتعرض أي طفل للتعذيب أو لغيره من ضروب المعاملة أو العقوبة القاسية أو اللاإنسانية أو المهينة ..". وتنص الفقرة (ب) على أنه "لا يجوز حرمان أي طفل من حريته بصورة غير قانونية أو تعسفية". كما تؤكد المادة كذلك أنه في حالة الاعتقال (كحالة استثنائية) فإنَّه "يجب أن يجري اعتقال الطفل أو احتجازه أو سجنه وفقاً للقانون ولا يجوز ممارسته إلا كتدبير أخير ولأقصر فترة زمنية مناسبة". والفقرة (د): "يكون لكل طفل محروم من حريته الحق في الحصول بسرعة على مساعدة قانونية وغيرها من المساعدة المناسبة، فضلا عن الحق في الطعن في شرعية حرمانه من الحرية أمام محكمة أو سلطة مختصة مستقلة ومحايدة أخرى". كما دعت اتفاقيات جنيف الأربع لأن يكون الأطفال خارج دائرة الاستهداف في حالات النزاعات المسلحة وتجنيبهم آثار الحروب.
ولكن في حالة الحبس المنزلي فالوضع على عكس ذلك تماماً، فعلى الرغم من أنَّ معايير القانون الدولي اتَّفَقَت على أنَّ اعتقال الأطفال يجب أن يكون الخيار الأخير، ويكون لأقل فترة ممكنة، إلا أنَّ الاحتلال يجعل الاعتقال هو الخيار الأول بالتعامل مع الطفل، وتتعامل مع الأطفال وكأنهم بالغين دون أي مراعاة لسنهم الصغير، فتحاكمهم بأحكام عالية كالبالغين تماماً. فالاتفاقيات الدولية لحقوق الإنسان وتحديداً اتفاقية حقوق الطفل المؤرخة في 20 تشرين الثاني 1989، شددت على ضرورة توفير الحماية القانونية للأطفال والحفاظ على حياتهم وكرامتهم ويضمن لهم فرصهم في البقاء والنمو، الأمر الذي لم تعيره سلطات الاحتلال أي قيمة، فكثيراً ما يتعرض الأطفال للضرب والإهانة وسوء المعاملة منذ لحظة الاعتقال، ويتم التحقيق معهم واستجوابهم في ظل غياب وجود المحامي أو الوالدين بشكل مخالف للقانون الدولي.
وبعد عملية التحقيق والبدء بإجراءات المحاكمة، يتم احتجاز الطفل في منزله كخيار مباشر وأول، ويكون ذلك لفترة زمنية طويلة قد تتجاوز السنة أو سنة ونصف خلال إجراءات المحاكمة طويلة الأمد، كما أن الحبس المنزلي يمسّ كرامة الطفل وعائلته، ويشكل عقوبة جماعية لا إنسانية قاسية وغير رحيمة بحق الطفل والأسرة، وينتج عنها مشاكل اجتماعية وأسرية وتكاليف مالية باهظة.
كما أنَّ القانون الدولي وضع كل القيود الممكنة بهدف الحفاظ على حرية الطفل حتى حال ارتكابه لعمل شديد الخطورة، ولكن الاحتلال يحتجز الأطفال رغم أنَّ أفعالهم ليست خطيرة، ولكن هذه السياسة ناعمة المظهر طويلة المدى هي سياسة ممنهجة لتدمير شخصية هذا الطفل منذ الصغر.
كما أنَّ تجربة الحبس المنزلي قد تتكرر في حياة ذات الطفل أكثر من مرة، إضافةً إلى أنَّ الحبس المنزلي يكون أصلاً خلال إجراءات محاكمة طويلة الأمد اتجاه طفل "متهم" بارتكاب عمل معين، أي أنه لم يثبت عليه بعد ارتكاب هذا العمل من عدمه، وبالتالي فهو ليس "مدان" كما ينص القانون الدولي، فبمجرد أنه متهم وأن التحقيقات مستمرة أمام المحكمة يقوم الاحتلال بتحويله إلى الحبس المنزلي لأشهر طويلة، كثيراً ما تتجاوز السنة، إلى حين صدور حكم نهائي بحقه، ولا يؤخذ بعين الاعتبار الوضع النفسي والصحي والاجتماعي لهذا الطفل وأسرته، ولا لأولوياته ومصلحته الفضلى بممارسة حقه بالتعليم بشكل طبيعي. فتكون خلالها العائلة قد استنزفت مالياً ونفسياً، والطفل قد يفقد حقه بالتعليم أو حتى تؤدي إلى تسربه من المدرسة نهائياً في مقابل تهمة لم تثبت عليه بَعد. فكيف يتم إيقاع عقوبة قاسية كهذه بحق طفل وأسرة بأكملها، بشكل يهدد مستقبل الطفل العلمي والمهني، ويهدد وحدة واستقرار الأسرة، فقط لوجود تهمة لم تثبت عليه أصلاً بعد؟
عدا عن أنه بمجرد حكم المحكمة عليه بالسجن الفعلي في نهاية المطاف لا يتم احتساب أي يوم له من مدة الحبس المنزلي ضمن فترة السجن الفعلي، وفي كثير من الأحوال تكون فترة الحبس المنزلي أطول من السجن الفعلي، حيث يبقى الطفل حبيس منزله لفترة تتجاوز السنة، ولكن عند إخضاعه للحبس الفعلي تكون المدة ما بين 3 – 6 شهور كحد أقصى، وبذلك تكون سلطات الاحتلال قد سارت بخطوات ممنهجة في سبيل تدمير نفسية وحاضر ومستقبل هذا الطفل، مرتكبةً بذلك جريمة كبيرة بحق الطفولة تخالف كل اتفاقيات ومعايير الأمم المتحدة بالتعامل مع الأطفال.
وفقاً لمراد عمرو؛ أخصائي علم النفس الإكلينيكي في مركز الإرشاد الفلسطيني، فإن رفض الأطفال المقدسيين المرتبط بالعودة إلى المدرسة قد يكون شكلاً من أشكال التمرد وصرخة من العجز، نتيجة "عدم القدرة على الشعور بالأمان وعدم الوفاء بتوقعات الحماية. فهم يحاولون مقاومة الوجود في نظام اجتماعي لا يمنحهم الحماية. وضح عمرو ايضا أن الإقامة الجبرية تؤثر على علاقات الطفل، بما في ذلك العلاقات مع والديهم: "إنه يؤدي إلى القلق، ومشاعر العجز، وكذلك الأعراض النفسية، السلوكية وللألم الجسدي". كما وضح عمرو أن "التجربة تؤثر على قدرتهم على الحفاظ على التنظيم الذاتي وإتقان الذات، وهي أمر ضروري للعمليات النفسية والاجتماعية... فهي تسبب تغيرات في العلاقات الأسرية، وتؤثر على مفهوم الذات واحترام الذات". كما أكد اخصائي علم اجتماعي والنفس؛ محمد الطويل أن 85% من أطفال القدس عانوا من اضطرابات نفسية إثر تعرضهم للاعتقال والحبس المنزلي، فقد كانت العصبية والتبول اللاإرادي من أكثر العلامات التي ظهرت عليهم.
وتؤكد المنظمة الدولية للدفاع عن الأطفال وجود تمييز واضح بمعاملة سلطات الاحتلال للأطفال الإسرائيليين "المدانين" بارتكاب أفعال مخالفة للقانون، وبين الأطفال الفلسطينيين "المتهمين" بذلك، ففي الحالة الأولى يكون اعتقال الطفل هو آخر خطوة قد يتم اللجوء إليها، بينما في الحالة الثانية يكون الاعتقال هو الخطوة الأولى. ومنذ عام 2000 ، اعتقلت القوات الإسرائيلية ما يقدر بنحو 10000 طفل فلسطيني من الضفة الغربية المحتلة واحتجزوا في نظام الاعتقال العسكري الإسرائيلي. حتى ديسمبر2017، كان هناك حوالي 350 طفلًا فلسطينيًا محتجزين في سجون ومراكز احتجاز إسرائيلية، بما في ذلك معسكر عوفر ومجدو . في عام 2018، وثقت الحركة العالمية للدفاع عن الأطفال 120 حالة احتجاز فلسطيني من الضفة الغربية. أفاد أكثر من نصف الأطفال أنهم تعرضوا لإساءات لفظية أو تهديدات أو إذلال أو تخويف حيث وصف 75% إنهم تعرضوا لاعتداء جسدي أثناء احتجازهم. وعزلت القوات الإسرائيلية 22 طفلاً لمدة 48 ساعة أو أكثر. اما في نهاية ديسمبر 2019 ، تم احتجاز 186 طفلًا فلسطينيًا تتراوح أعمارهم بين 14 و 17 عامًا في نظام الاعتقال العسكري الإسرائيلي، وفقًا لأحدث البيانات الصادرة عن مصلحة السجون الإسرائيلية.
إن الغالبية العظمى من الأطفال الفلسطينيين الذين تحتجزهم السلطات الإسرائيلية محتجزون في سجن عوفر بالضفة الغربية المحتلة أو يتم نقلهم بصورة غير قانونية إلى سجن مجدو الموجود داخل الاراضي المحتلة عام 1948. أظهرت البيانات التي جمعتها الحركة العالمية للدفاع عن الأطفال أن القوات الإسرائيلية عرضت ثلثي الأطفال الفلسطينين للإساءة اللفظية والإذلال والترهيب. كما أن الثلثين لم يتمكنوا من الوصول إلى مستشار قانوني قبل الاستجواب وكان ثلاثة فقط معهم أحد الوالدين.
ومن حالات الحبس المنزلي، ما تعرض له الطفل صهيب الأعور من بلدة سلوان، الذي خضع في عام 2012 للحبس المنزلي لمدة 12 شهرا، حيث كان يبلغ من العمر 14 سنة في ذلك الوقت، قضى 4 شهور منها في منزل جدته في بلدة جبل المكبر في القدس. خلال هذه الفترة، لم يُسمَح له بمغادرة المنزل، وكان يُطلَب من جدته البقاء معه طوال الوقت ما لم تكن والدته أو جده أو عمه حاضرين بشكل أدى لوجود شلل بالعائلة، حيث يُجبَر الجميع على الالتزام بجزء من الوقت للبقاء معه بالمنزل لضمان عدم خروجه. كما اضطرت العائلة إلى دفع غرامة مالية قدرها 5000 شيكل (1300 دولار)، وكفالة قدرها 50000 شيكل (13000 دولار)تم دفعها في حالة خرق قرار الحبس المنزلي.
لم يُسمَح له خلال فترة الحبس المنزلي (12 شهر) الذهاب إلى المدرسة، باستثناء تقديم الامتحانات النهائية بشرط أن ترافقه والدته إلى المدرسة. وتقول السيدة خلود الأعور (ام صهيب) أنَّ الحبس المنزلي يُحَوِّل أفراد العائلة إلى سجانين على ابنهم، فهل يُعقل أن تكون الأم حارس سجن على ابنها؟! علماً أنه بعد إنهاء فترة الحبس المنزلي قضى مدة سنتين، وبعدها 4 سنوات سجن فعلي على قضية أخرى، بحيث لم يشفع له حبسه المنزلي أمام السجن الفعلي.
وصهيب مثال حي للعقوبات القاسية تجاه الأطفال، حيث تذكر والدته أنَّ مجموع الاعتقالات التي تعرض لها منذ بلوغه سن الثالثة عشرة تجاوز العشر مرات، من ضمنها تعرضه للحبس المنزلي لفترة 21 شهرا على قضية أخرى غير الحبس المنزلي لمدة 12 شهر الأولى.
وتقول ام صهيب: "أصعب ما في كل حالات اعتقاله هو الاعتقال الثالث عندما كان في الرابعة عشرة من عمره. كان كل شيء حوله صدمة: الاعتقال نفسه، والتحقيقات، وعلامات سوء المعاملة والتعذيب على وجهه وأذنيه، وجلسات المحكمة. وقد وضع رهن الحبس المنزلي لمدة 12 شهر. وحتى خلال هذه الفترة، لم يتركوه، استدعوه للتحقيق في مركز الشرطة خلالها خمس مرات لاستجوابه، أصبح لا يستطيع النوم لا بالليل ولا بالنهار نتيجة الضغط النفسي الذي يتعرض له. كنت أستيقظ في الليل وأرى عينيه مفتوحتين. وخلال هذه الفترة أصبحت العلاقة بيننا متوترة للغاية. اضطررت لأن أكون حارس السجن في المنزل لأن والده وقَّع على أوراق تفيد بأنه في حالة انتهاك شروط الحبس المنزلي، فسوف ندفع غرامة قدرها 50.000 شيكل.
لكن صهيب ظل طموحاً للغاية، فهو مصمم على استكمال تقديم امتحانات الثانوية العامة حتى داخل السجن. إنه يرغب في دراسة العلوم السياسية أو الصحافة أو القانون. إنه يريد أن يكون قادرًا على التحدث بحرية ودون قيود. لا يمكنني أن لا أخاف على حياته عندما يُطلَق سراحه، خاصة في الوضع الحالي. العيش في سلوان يشبه العيش في حقل ألغام حيث يمكن أن ينفجر في أي لحظة، لكن يجب أن أبقى متفائلة .. وحذرة".
تم إعداد هذه الورقة ضمن نشاطات مشروع "الشباب الفلسطيني كمدافعين عن حقوق الإنسان" الممول من الاتحاد الأوروبي
محتوى هذه النشرة لا يعبر بالضرورة عن أراء الاتحاد الأوروبي، ويتحمل الكاتب كامل المسؤولية عن كل المعلومات والآراء الموجودة فيها
Healthcare Restricted: Female Cancer Patients in Gaza
Date posted: June 07, 2023
By MIFTAH
Background:
The Israeli-imposed siege and the frequent aggressions targeting medical facilities in Gaza have debilitated the health sector and its capacity to provide proper medical services. This is exacerbated in cases of chronic diseases, which gives rise to a need to leave the Gaza Strip to receive medical treatment in the occupied West Bank, including Jerusalem, or elsewhere. However, Israel imposes a strict and discriminatory permit regime, which has a disproportionate impact on medical patients given their conditions, and it is not unusual for these permits to be significantly delayed or ultimately refused by Israel.
The Palestinian Initiative for the Promotion of Global Dialogue and Democracy (MIFTAH) collected questionnaires from 102 women diagnosed with cancer in the Gaza Strip to assess the quality of the treatment, availability of equipment, accessibility, and referral process.
The full report is accessible here.
Conclusion and recommendations:
The 16-year-long Israeli-imposed blockade and closure on Gaza have had detrimental impacts on the health sector in the besieged Strip. Specifically, the siege has compromised the ability of the healthcare sector to deliver proper medical services due to the absence of crucial medication, equipment, and supplies under flimsy security pretexts. Ultimately, frequent aggressions and targeting of health facilities and the Israeli-imposed siege on Gaza compromise the availability, accessibility, and quality of healthcare services available to Palestinians in Gaza.
MIFTAH urges the international community to:
- Put an end to Israel’s impunity and hold it accountable for its persistent crimes, including the crime against humanity of apartheid, through the adoption of effective and concrete measures;
- Exert pressure to lift the blockade on the Gaza Strip and allow for the free movement of people and goods;
- Ensure the urgent implementation of UNSCR 1325 to provide immediate protection for Palestinian women and to put an end to Israel’s impunity;
- Support the UN Special Rapporteur in the oPt, the International Court of Justice’s advisory opinion, the ICC investigation and the UN Commission of Inquiry.
The summary factsheet is accessible here.
Financial indicators for the Family Protection Bill
Date posted: May 17, 2023
By MIFTAH
The legislation of the family protection bill is aimed at the protection of the family itself as an institution, and to guarantee its preservation. Palestinian legislators are aware of the importance of this bill, which is why all ministries and official institutions committed to developing its relevant programs, policies and plans, each according to their field of expertise. Their goal is to contribute to the promotion of a culture that combats domestic violence and encourages the response of public policies to this objective, through education, health, legislation and the media. Another objective is to track the bill’s impact and periodically assess it in cooperation with other civil societies. This paper focuses on some of the financial indicators pertaining to this bill.
All family members in Palestine are subjected to violence, including children, minors, women and men. However, married women remain the sector most vulnerable to domestic violence according to a 2019 Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics survey. It said 29.4% of married women had been subjected to at least one type of violence by their husbands as opposed to 13% of men who had been subjected to violence by their wives, by their own confession. A total of 44.7% of individuals who have never been married have been subjected toviolence;7.6% of the elderly and 44.2% of children(12-17yearsold) were the victims of violence at the hands of one of their parents. Although a high percentage of women have been victims of violence from their spouse, a considerable percentage of these women, around 60.3% preferred to stay silent about the assault. Only a small percentage of women asked for help through official avenues; 2.9% went to a defence lawyer to file a lawsuit against their husbands, 1.3% went to the police or a family protection unit and 1.4% went to the centres for mental, social and legal aid.
Financial indicators for the Family Protection Bill
| Article of Bill/Law by Decree | Relevant party | Estimated cost |
| Article(4) specialization of Ministry of Social Development: The Ministry, in cooperation with government and civil society organizations, provide the following services to victims of domestic violence: 1.Protection and fulfilment of needs of the victim; economically and socially empowering her and reintegrating her in society in order to preserve the family fabric, while ensuring not to equate the victim with the perpetrator. 2.Appointing protection counsellors in all directorates and qualifying them to deal with domestic violence cases 3.Providingsocial, psychological and legal experts to provide victim support 4.Ensuringthe provision of social, psychological, health and legal services to domestic violence victims in coordination with relevant parties. 5.Preparing rehabilitation programs for perpetrators of domestic violence crimes 6.Coordination and cooperation with government and civil society organizations to provide the necessary training for the enforcers of this law by decree. Preparing the necessary preventative plans and programs against domestic violence |
Ministry of Social Development | ILS12 million over 3 years on average of ILS4 million year, based on a study prepared by the Ministry of Social Development |
| Article 6: Family and Minors Protection Police: In accordance with the provisions of this bill/law by decree, a family and minor protection police will be established, with branches set up in all districts of the homeland. It’s specializations are the following: 1.Goingtothe place of the domestic violence incident when the informer states that the violence has occurred, is about to occur is ongoing; or in case of violation of a restraining order, even if the informer is not the victim 2.Providingfree 24-hourhotlinestohelp victims |
Palestinian police and Family and Minors Protection Department
Reform and Rehabilitation Centres Department |
ILS7.3 million/year (the study is based on the number of those working in the family and minors protection department and their mean salary)
ILS1.3 million/year (the study is based on the number of those working in reform and rehabilitation enters, which includes special sections for women boarders) |
| Article7: Family Protection Prosecution 1.In accordance with the provision of this bill/law by decree, a prosecution’s office will be established to follow up on domestic violence cases in all districts and will operate under the supervision of the Attorney General in accordance with penal measures in force. 2. This family protection prosecution office will promptly investigate domestic violence incidents while also preserving the privacy and dignity of the victim |
Family Protection Prosecution | ILS1.7 million, based on the number of relevant prosecution agents and their mean salaries |
| Article10: parties qualified to issue restraining orders 1.Restrainingorders will be issued by the following parties of their own accord: a. Family Protection Prosecution b. The presiding judge |
Presiding judges | ILS1.9 million, based on the number of judges and their mean salaries |
| Total expected estimated cost | ILS16.2 million |
The table above shows that the estimated and main additional cost of the Ministry of Social Development to be around ILS4 million a year, considering that the other parties (police, prosecution and courts) are currently carrying out their roles without fully allocating specialized departments for protection from violence. However, if these parties do allot specialized departments for protection from violence, overall costs will reach approximately ILS16.2 million. Nonetheless, even if this cost is incurred, it still only comprises a small part of public expenditures, approximately 0.1%. Overall public expenditures for 2022 amount to approximately ILS16.2 billion, which means the cost of passing this bill and implementing its provisions will not constitute financial burden on the general budget and will not be an obstacle to ratifying the law by decree.
Furthermore, it should be noted that while it is imperative to calculate some of the costs resulting from violence against women, the reaerate the high costs as well. The secret social costs, which impact society as a whole. Data from the Ministry of Social Development showed (see graph), that violence exercised against women has prompted around 60% of them to flee their homes. Also, 18% of them attempted suicide in addition to suffering from mental and physical illnesses, unwanted pregnancies or others. Calculating expenses incurred from violence is not an easy process and there are no national data or figures that can measure the impact violence has on the state’s general budget due to the prevalent mentality towards violence as an issue associated only with women. This is especially true when the conversation is about the indirect and intangible effects of violence, including:
Violations of human rights; negative social, economic and political impacts; working women who get sick and need to take sick leave; lack of focus and productivity; impact of violence on children and academic failure; the rise in the percentage of school dropouts among children; the rise in long-term unemployment rates; the percentage of homeless children who become a burden on society; government expenditures for medical treatment; safehouses; therapy; monitoring cases of violence against women; individual expenses for following up on legal cases and lawyer fees; loss of income because of repeated absence from work or inefficacy; social expenses resulting from the breakup of the family; expenses of training individuals on how to deal with cases of violence; expenses for issuing laws and legislation on the protection of women from violence.
Confirmation of the above is that the UN believes the economic, social and health costs of violence against women are, to a large extent, undocumented and unrecognized. However, these remain colossal, according to researchers, specialists and defenders of women’s rights.
To view the full factsheet as PDF
Israeli state-sanctioned settler terrorism: A gendered lens
Date posted: April 26, 2023
By MIFTAH
Background:
The illegal Israeli settlement project, including settler-only bypass roads, military checkpoints, and the annexation wall, continues to expand and steal more Palestinian land and resources. As of today, the number of illegal Israeli settlements in the occupied West Bank, including Jerusalem, is close to 300, with around 750,000 Jewish settlers residing in them.
Israeli state-sanctioned settler terrorism against Palestinian civilians and property is prevalent and has been on the rise in recent years. Violence takes the form of psychological, physical, and verbal violence, including beating, throwing stones or sharp tools, intimidation, shooting, verbal assaults, and assaults on agricultural lands, cars, and homes. Such attacks are committed in the presence of Israeli occupation forces who often join them.
The high frequency of these forms of violence and their persistence give rise to psychological, physical, and material harm. Palestinian survivors of settler terrorism seldom press charges and file complaints against Israeli settlers given the complicity of the Israeli law enforcement system.
The Palestinian Initiative for the Promotion of Global Dialogue and Democracy (MIFTAH) and the Women’s Center for Legal and Counseling (WCLAC) collected questionnaires from 229 Palestinian women covering settler violence in the occupied West Bank governorates of Al-Khalil/Hebron, Bethlehem, and Jerusalem.
MIFTAH calls on the international community to:
Put an end to Israel’s impunity and hold it accountable for its persistent crimes, including the crime against humanity of apartheid, through the adoption of effective and concrete measures;
Stop all relations and trade with illegal Israeli settlements including international companies that profit from them;
Criminalize and blacklist Israeli settler groups that engage in terrorist activities and hold those with dual citizenship accountable in their respective states;
Ensure the urgent implementation of UNSCR 1325 to provide immediate protection for Palestinian women and to put an end to Israel’s impunity;
Support the UN Special Rapporteur in the oPt, the International Court of Justice’s advisory opinion, the ICC investigation and the UN Commission of Inquiry.
