1. يبلغ عدد العاملين في قطاع الصيد البحري عام 1997 ما يزيد على 10.000 عامل فلسطيني، بلغ عدد العاملين في قطاع الصيد 5606 عاملاً، من بينهم 3606 صياد عام 2019. ( )
2. يتوزع الصيادون الفلسطينيون في قطاع غزة حسب التالي: (7%) في شمال قطاع غزة، (45%) في مدينة غزة، (17%) في المحافظة الوسطى، (19%) في محافظة خان يونس، (12%) في محافظة رفح. ( )
3. يبلغ عدد مراكب الصيد في قطاع غزة 1261 مركب صيد فقط. ( )
4. وفقًا لاتفاقيات أوسلو الموقعة عام 1995 بين السلطة الفلسطينية وإسرائيل، فإنه من حق الصيادين في غزة الوصول إلى مساحات صيد لمسافة تصل إلى 20 ميلاً بحريًا من الشاطئ.
5. خلال العام 2020، سجلت 308 حالات إطلاق نار من قبل البحرية الإسرائيلية باتجاه قوارب صيد من غزة، واعتقلت 10 منهم وجرحت 12 وصادرت 4 مركبا وخربت 12 مرة أدوات للصيادين. ( )

   الانتهاكات	العام 2020	العام 2019
   عدد حوادث الانتهاك	309	351
   إطلاق النار	308	347
   أعداد المعتقلين	10	35
   أعداد الإصابات	12	16
   أعداد المراكب المصادرة	4	15
   أعداد حالات التخريب لمراكب الصيد	12	11

6. تتراوح مساحات الصيد المسموحة العمل فيها أمام الصياد الفلسطيني في نطاق 6 أميال بحرية في محافظتي غزة وشمال غزة، و9 -15 ميل بحري في محافظات الوسطى، وخان يونس، ورفح جنوب القطاع، مع وجود ميل واحد يمنع فيه النشاط البحري بموازاة الحدود المائية الجنوبية لقطاع غزة وميل ونصف بموازاة السياج المائي الشمالي، ما يحرم الصيادين من الوصول الى أماكن الصيد التي تتوافر فيها أنواع مختلفة من الأسماك. مع التنويه إلى أن عمليات التقليص والزيادة في مساحات الصيد التي تحددها قوات الاحتلال تبقى دون الحدود المقررة بموجب اتفاقية الأمم المتحدة للبحار، وحتى دون اتفاقيات أوسلو الموقعة ما بين الطرفين الفلسطيني وقوات الاحتلال، مع ملاحظة أن متوسط الأيام التي يتم اغلاق البحر أمام الصيادين تتراوح ما بين 10-15 يوم في الشهر الواحد. ( )

الآثار المترتبة على انتهاك حقوق الصيادين في قطاع غزة.

أدت الانتهاكات الاسرائيلية المتمثلة في تقليص مساحات الصيد ومنع إدخال المعدات والأجهزة المخصصة للصيد إلى داخل قطاع غزة، إلى آثار سلبية على هذا القطاع، حيث انخفض عدد الصيادين الفلسطينيين بنسبة 73% خلال 20 عام. كما أدت سياسة الاغلاق ومنع دخول معدات الصيد إلى القطاع الى انخفاض جسيم في عدد مراكب الصيد. كما ترتب على الانتهاكات الاسرائيلية ضعف المردود الاقتصادي؛ بسبب نقص كميات الأسماك التي يتم اصطيادها في ظل المساحات المحدودة للصيد، مما دفع الصيادين إلى استخدام أنواع من الشباك الصغيرة لزيادة كميات الاسماك التي يتم صيدها في المناطق المتاحة، الأمر الذي كان له انعكاسات سلبية على البيئة البحرية.

التوصيات:

على صعيد السلطة الوطنية الفلسطينية:

• توصي هذه الورقة، السلطة الوطنية الفلسطينية على طرح قضية الصيادين الفلسطينيين، على أجندة المنظمات الدولية، ومن بينها مجلس حقوق الإنسان، والعمل على بذل جهود دبلوماسية، وتنفيذ حملات مناصرة دولية لتسليط الضوء على معاناة الصيادين الفلسطينيين في قطاع غزة.
• تقدر موازنة وزارة الزراعة ب 0.65% من إجمالي الموازنة العامة الفلسطينية، ولا يتم تقديم جزء عادل من هذه الموازنة للصيادين في قطاع غزة نتيجة الانقسام، وعليه فإن هذه الورقة بزيادة حصة وزارة الزراعة في الموازنة العامة، خاصة مع وجود اختلال بنيوي في توزيع النسب على الوزارات، كما توصي بتوحيد عمل كل من وزارة الزراعة في قطاع غزة والضفة الغربية في برامج مُوحّدة حتى يتمكن الصيادون في القطاع من الاستفادة من الخدمات التي تقدمها الوزارة.
• إعادة ترميم وبناء ميناء غزة البحري الدولي، هو أساس علمية تمكين وتأهيل قطاع الصيد الفلسطيني، لذا توصي هذه الورقة إلى إعادة طرح قضية بناء الميناء وتوسعته وفق المعايير الدولية وتطبيق الاتفاقيات الدولية بين السلطة الوطنية الفلسطينية والاحتلال حول المنافذ البحرية لقطاع غزة. على الصعيد الدولي:
• يعتبر الحصار البحري لقطاع غزة، وتقييد حركة الصيادين الفلسطينيين بمثابة انتهاك لقواعد القانون الدولي الانساني، وبالتالي فإن الجهات الدولية ذات العلاقة، ومن بينها الأمم المتحدة، ملزمة باتخاذ كافة التدابير التي تؤدي إلى إدانة هذا الانتهاك، ووقفه وتعويض الصيادين الفلسطينيين على خسائرهم المادية والمعنوية جرّاء عمليات الرشّ الممنهجة.
• لا يزال الدعم الدولي المقدم للقطاع الزراعي في حدوده الدنيا، حيث لا يزيد هذا الدعم عن 15 مليون دولار في العام، وهو مبلغ متواضع بالنظر لباقي القطاعات التي تحظى باهتمام الممولين، مثل قطاع الحكم المحلي والبنية التحتية، والقطاع الاغاثي وغيره. لذا توصي هذه الورقة، بأن يتم طرح تمويل برامج بناء القدرات وتمكين الصيادين الفلسطينيين على أجندة الدول المانحة.

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تأتي هذه الورقة ضمن أنشطة مشروع "الشباب الفلسطيني كمدافعين عن حقوق الإنسان" ، و أن الاتحاد الأوروبي غير مسؤول عما ورد بها من معلومات.

Introduction

The fishing sector in the Gaza Strip is facing a number of serious challenges. This calls for concerted efforts to achieve economic stability for thousands of Palestinian families who are subsisted by fishing work and the sale of fishing-related supplies. The main challenge facing this sector is the Israeli procedures and practices that seek to undermine it. This is because the occupation applies a systematic policy that aims to destroy this vital sector and weaken the Palestinian economy and food system. These violations are witnessed on a daily basis and they include, inter alia, attacking Palestinian fishermen and fishing boats, preventing and disrupting the entrance of auxiliary tools for fishing, and prohibiting the manufacturing of these tools in the Gaza Strip. Israeli violations also include denying access to the fishing area stipulated in the Oslo Accords (which is 20 nautical miles) and the area mentioned in the truce agreement after the 2014 aggression (which was 9 nautical miles, curtailed to 6 nautical miles, then was reduced to only 3 nautical miles).

Israeli practices and measures pushed the fishing sector to the brink of collapse, prompting several local and international organizations to urgently support this sector to prevent its total deterioration. Most of the funding for this sector (whether at the local level through Palestinian NGOs or from regional and international organizations) is directed towards its revival and helping it overcome the hurdles and challenges amidst the ongoing depletion of resources. This assistance is usually relief-oriented and aims to prevent fishermen and their families from falling into abject poverty. Furthermore, developmental projects for enhancing the fishing sector are almost always controlled by Israeli policies, thus inhibiting any real or radical change in the Palestinian fishing sector (such as rehabilitating the Gaza International Port).

Policy Paper Objective

The aim of this policy paper is to analyze the procedures, policies and role of official, unofficial and international organizations vis-à-vis the fishing sector and fisheries in the Gaza Strip in light of the ongoing Israeli violations. Moreover, it seeks to present policy proposals to promote this sector in Palestine and confront and eliminate Israeli violations.

Policy Problem:

The paper tackles the following policy problem:

• What policies should be adopted to protect fishermen in the Gaza Strip?

Reality and Context of the Palestinian Fishing Sector:

Fishermen are among the most affected Palestinian segments by the unfair Israeli practices. This made fishing conditions extremely difficult because Israel restricts the entry of necessary materials for rehabilitating boats that were damaged by gunfire or sea accidents, thus preventing fishermen from fixing or reusing their boats. These restrictions greatly affected Palestinian fishermen’s work and prevented them from making feasible profits from this sector. For example, the number of fishermen in Gaza decreased from approximately 10,000 in the year 2000 to only about 3,600 at the beginning of 2020. Also, the Labor Force Survey Report issued by the Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics (PCBS) showed that 37.4% of Gaza’s fishermen are unemployed, 47.1% of them do not have food security, and 11.7% are exposed to food insecurity. A detailed study that examined fishermen’s needs showed that, among the different needs of fishermen, food is considered the highest priority and education is the lowest priority. The study also showed that 91.94% of fishermen’s families live below the poverty line, and that 55.67% of fishermen’s families live in extreme poverty in the Gaza Strip.

According to the Oslo Accords signed by Israel and the Palestinian Authority, the permitted fishing area is limited to 20 nautical miles. These accords and their annexes divided the sea of Gaza into three zones of maritime activity represented by characters/letters, i.e., zones “K”, “M” and “L”, respectively. These zones were described as follows by these accords:

Zone “K” and Zone “M”: Zone “K” extends to 20 nautical miles in the sea from the coast in the northern part of the sea of Gaza and 1.5 nautical miles wide southwards. As for Zone “M”, it extends to 20 nautical miles in the sea from the coast in the southern part of the sea of Gaza and one (1) nautical mile wide from the Egyptian waters. Subject to the provisions of this paragraph, Zones “K” and “M” will be closed areas, in which navigation will be restricted to activity of the Israel Navy.

Zone “L”: Zone “L” is bounded to the south by Zone “M” and to the north by Zone “K”, and it extends to 20 nautical miles into the sea from the coast. Zone “L” will be open for fishing, recreation and economic activities, in accordance with the following provisions: First: Fishing boats will not exit Zone “L” into the open sea and may have engines of up to a limit of 25 Horsepower (HP) for outboard motors and up to a maximum speed of 15 knots for inboard motors. The boats will neither carry weapons nor ammunition, nor will they fish with the use of explosives. Second: Recreational boats will be permitted to sail up to a distance of 3 nautical miles from the coast unless, in special cases, otherwise agreed within the Maritime Coordination and Cooperation Center. Recreational boats may have engines up to a limit of 10 HP. Marine motor bikes and water jets will neither be introduced into Zone “L” nor be operated therein.

However, the Israeli occupation forces did not abide by the terms of this agreement, especially after the outbreak of Al-Aqsa Intifada in 2000. Consequently, the occupation forces reduced the fishing area to 12 nautical miles as a collective punishment measure until 2006. Israel further reduced the fishing area after imposing its blockade on Gaza following the control of Hamas over the Gaza Strip, whereas the fishing area was curtailed to only 3 to 6 nautical miles. In 2019, Israel reduced the maximum area allowed for Palestinian fishermen’s boats in nine instances, and they imposed a complete prohibition on sailing in four cases. Additionally, Gaza’s fishermen received 19 notifications in 2019 regarding changes in permitted fishing areas and the allowed distances. According to human rights organizations, the second half of 2020 witnessed 171 shooting assaults by the Israeli Navy against Palestinian fishermen’s boats. As a result of these shootings, 6 fishermen were wounded and 3 were arrested, including a minor. Furthermore, the Israeli Navy caused extensive damages to seven boats, and numerous fishing equipment were severely damaged and one boat was confiscated.

Several forms of Israeli violations are being committed, whereas the occupation unhesitatingly uses brutal force and suppression in their attacks against this vital sector. These actions include the following:

• Non-compliance with the signed agreements with Palestinians and forcefully imposing unstable borders.
• Shooting, attacking and arresting Palestinian fishermen, as well as confiscating their boats and intentionally sinking them.
• Preventing the entry of spare parts for improving and rehabilitating fishing boats (such as important fishing tools and equipment). This is due to the Israeli blockade and the banned items list - which includes more than 72 types of items that are denied entry into Gaza, thus affecting the fishing sector’s activity and the livelihood of Palestinian fishermen.
• Israel prevents the marketing, transportation and exporting of fish products outside the Gaza Strip (especially to the West Bank).

Palestinian Legislations related to the Fishing Sector and Fisheries:

The “Law on Agriculture of 2003” is the applicable law in the Gaza Strip. Article (73) of this Law stipulates the following:-

“The Ministry shall develop a regulation on fisheries to be promulgated by the Council of Ministers, provided that it includes the following: 1. Regulate the fishing profession, as well as licences and fees necessary thereto. 2. Regulate the importing, exporting and marketing of fish and other aquatic beings and trading therein. 3. Define the specifications and conditions of pisciculture projects and fish farming. 4. Determine specifications of fishing nets, feeds, medicines, vaccines and hormones for the control of fish diseases. 5. Designate the seasons and times of sea fishing.” Moreover, Article (74) of this Law stated that “No solid or liquid waste or wastewater may be discharged into Palestinian fishing waters, nor may sand be taken or rocks removed from coasts or the nature of the seabed be changed”.

Additionally, Article (75) stipulates that “Beach bulldozers may not be used nor fishing nets be set up at a distance that is less than one hundred metres from the beach except by permission from the Minister”. And despite the Palestinian President’s issuance of Decree Law No. (14) of 2018 concerning the Amendment of Agricultural Law No. (2) of 2003, this decree is not applied in the Gaza Strip due to the Palestinian internal division.

The General Department of Fisheries is entrusted with implementing the aforementioned law. This Department is the competent body authorized to ensure the highest utilization of fish resources by developing this sector, promoting fish farming systems, introducing new types of fish for pisciculture and fish farming, and following up fishermen’s licensing and the movement of boats. The General Department of Fisheries also promotes the sustainability of fishing activities and ensures the adequate use of fisheries by determining the suitable fishing methods, times and tools, as well as contributing to the national food security process. However, the Ministry of Agriculture in the Gaza Strip has one of the lowest percentages of the Palestinian Authority budget and is given a low priority within the de-facto system in the Gaza Strip.

The dire situation of the Palestinian fishing sector and fisheries affected the implementation of relevant laws and legislations. For example, until now there is no insurance system for fishing boats and no abidance by the instructions related to the size and type of fishing nets. Hence, some people use illegal fishing nets and methods, not to mention the phenomenon of fishing without a license. Also, the absence of a port that conforms to international fishing standards led to the disorderly spread of fishing boats along the beach, whereas large numbers of boats are found in the limited area designated for fishing. This is because the coastal municipalities throw wastewater into the sea, thus leading to seawater pollution.

In light of what was mentioned above, this paper presents a number of policy options for relevant Palestinian and international bodies. This encompasses alternatives and suggestions to introduce policies that support Palestinian fishermen. The paper assumes that the presented propositions can be simultaneously implemented to lead to a stronger impact within a reasonable time-period.

First Alternative: Internationalize the Palestinian Fishermen’s Crisis and Resort to International Parties

Since the international law and agreements signed with Israel (especially the Oslo Accords) stipulate larger areas for Gaza’s fishermen, this alternative is considered internationally legitimate. Therefore, the Palestinian Authority must pressure the Israeli government, through the United Nations and its international agencies and bodies, to put an end to its violations against Palestinian fishermen and abide by international humanitarian law. The Palestinian Authority must also request from the Special Rapporteurs of agreements signed with Israel to pressure the latter to abide by the signed agreements. Israel should also be held accountable for its ongoing violation of international conventions, especially the two international covenants. Palestinian parties should also highlight Israel’s violations against Gaza’s fishermen and submit related reports to UN Special Rapporteurs and other United Nations mechanisms and bodies, including the UN Secretary-General, Human Rights Council, and Security Council.

Second Alternative: Empower Palestinian Farmers by Adopting Protective Policies and Measures

In accordance with the provisions of Decree Law No. (12) of 2013, the Palestinian Authority established a special independent fund for compensating for natural disasters and providing agricultural insurance. This fund is called the Palestinian Agricultural Disaster Risk Reduction and Insurance Fund (PADRRIF). However, the law is still unable to effectively deal with the Gaza Strip in general and fishing sector in particular due to the Palestinian political division. In order to empower Palestinian fishermen, the aforementioned fund (PADRRIF) must include the fishing sector, especially with regard to insurance and compensation for damages resulting from storms and weather fluctuations.

Third Alternative: Building and Rehabilitating the Gaza International Port

Despite the sizable efforts of the Palestinian Authority for establishing the Gaza International Port, the Gaza Strip still depends on the Israeli port of Ashdod for maritime transportation. In fact, the Palestinian Authority established the Port Authority in 2000 after negotiating with Israel in the Oslo Accords (1993) and Sharm El-Sheikh Agreement (1999), both of which stipulated the establishment of a Palestinian port, with a pledge from France and Netherlands to establish the port with a cost of 96 million U.S. Dollars. However, only a few phases of the port’s construction plan have been implemented on the ground. The failure to complete the Gaza International Port had negative implications for fishermen. Therefore, the completion of this port is necessary to empower the Palestinian fishing sector and enable fishermen to build larger fishing boats due to having special basins for this purpose.

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This Policy Paper was prepared as part of the “Youth as Human Right Defenders” project funded by the European Union The content of this document does not reflect the official opinion of the European Union. Responsibility for the information and views expressed in the study lies entirely with MIFTAH

Background:

The Israeli-imposed siege and the frequent aggressions targeting medical facilities in Gaza have debilitated the health sector and its capacity to provide proper medical services. This is exacerbated in cases of chronic diseases, which gives rise to a need to leave the Gaza Strip to receive medical treatment in the occupied West Bank, including Jerusalem, or elsewhere. However, Israel imposes a strict and discriminatory permit regime, which has a disproportionate impact on medical patients given their conditions, and it is not unusual for these permits to be significantly delayed or ultimately refused by Israel.

The Palestinian Initiative for the Promotion of Global Dialogue and Democracy (MIFTAH) collected questionnaires from 102 women diagnosed with cancer in the Gaza Strip to assess the quality of the treatment, availability of equipment, accessibility, and referral process.

The full report is accessible here.

Conclusion and recommendations:

The 16-year-long Israeli-imposed blockade and closure on Gaza have had detrimental impacts on the health sector in the besieged Strip. Specifically, the siege has compromised the ability of the healthcare sector to deliver proper medical services due to the absence of crucial medication, equipment, and supplies under flimsy security pretexts. Ultimately, frequent aggressions and targeting of health facilities and the Israeli-imposed siege on Gaza compromise the availability, accessibility, and quality of healthcare services available to Palestinians in Gaza.

MIFTAH urges the international community to:

• Put an end to Israel’s impunity and hold it accountable for its persistent crimes, including the crime against humanity of apartheid, through the adoption of effective and concrete measures;

• Exert pressure to lift the blockade on the Gaza Strip and allow for the free movement of people and goods;

• Ensure the urgent implementation of UNSCR 1325 to provide immediate protection for Palestinian women and to put an end to Israel’s impunity;

• Support the UN Special Rapporteur in the oPt, the International Court of Justice’s advisory opinion, the ICC investigation and the UN Commission of Inquiry.

The summary factsheet is accessible here.

The legislation of the family protection bill is aimed at the protection of the family itself as an institution, and to guarantee its preservation. Palestinian legislators are aware of the importance of this bill, which is why all ministries and official institutions committed to developing its relevant programs, policies and plans, each according to their field of expertise. Their goal is to contribute to the promotion of a culture that combats domestic violence and encourages the response of public policies to this objective, through education, health, legislation and the media. Another objective is to track the bill’s impact and periodically assess it in cooperation with other civil societies. This paper focuses on some of the financial indicators pertaining to this bill.

All family members in Palestine are subjected to violence, including children, minors, women and men. However, married women remain the sector most vulnerable to domestic violence according to a 2019 Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics survey. It said 29.4% of married women had been subjected to at least one type of violence by their husbands as opposed to 13% of men who had been subjected to violence by their wives, by their own confession. A total of 44.7% of individuals who have never been married have been subjected toviolence;7.6% of the elderly and 44.2% of children(12-17yearsold) were the victims of violence at the hands of one of their parents. Although a high percentage of women have been victims of violence from their spouse, a considerable percentage of these women, around 60.3% preferred to stay silent about the assault. Only a small percentage of women asked for help through official avenues; 2.9% went to a defence lawyer to file a lawsuit against their husbands, 1.3% went to the police or a family protection unit and 1.4% went to the centres for mental, social and legal aid.

Financial indicators for the Family Protection Bill

The table above shows that the estimated and main additional cost of the Ministry of Social Development to be around ILS4 million a year, considering that the other parties (police, prosecution and courts) are currently carrying out their roles without fully allocating specialized departments for protection from violence. However, if these parties do allot specialized departments for protection from violence, overall costs will reach approximately ILS16.2 million. Nonetheless, even if this cost is incurred, it still only comprises a small part of public expenditures, approximately 0.1%. Overall public expenditures for 2022 amount to approximately ILS16.2 billion, which means the cost of passing this bill and implementing its provisions will not constitute financial burden on the general budget and will not be an obstacle to ratifying the law by decree.

Furthermore, it should be noted that while it is imperative to calculate some of the costs resulting from violence against women, the reaerate the high costs as well. The secret social costs, which impact society as a whole. Data from the Ministry of Social Development showed (see graph), that violence exercised against women has prompted around 60% of them to flee their homes. Also, 18% of them attempted suicide in addition to suffering from mental and physical illnesses, unwanted pregnancies or others. Calculating expenses incurred from violence is not an easy process and there are no national data or figures that can measure the impact violence has on the state’s general budget due to the prevalent mentality towards violence as an issue associated only with women. This is especially true when the conversation is about the indirect and intangible effects of violence, including:

Violations of human rights; negative social, economic and political impacts; working women who get sick and need to take sick leave; lack of focus and productivity; impact of violence on children and academic failure; the rise in the percentage of school dropouts among children; the rise in long-term unemployment rates; the percentage of homeless children who become a burden on society; government expenditures for medical treatment; safehouses; therapy; monitoring cases of violence against women; individual expenses for following up on legal cases and lawyer fees; loss of income because of repeated absence from work or inefficacy; social expenses resulting from the breakup of the family; expenses of training individuals on how to deal with cases of violence; expenses for issuing laws and legislation on the protection of women from violence.

Confirmation of the above is that the UN believes the economic, social and health costs of violence against women are, to a large extent, undocumented and unrecognized. However, these remain colossal, according to researchers, specialists and defenders of women’s rights.

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Background:

The illegal Israeli settlement project, including settler-only bypass roads, military checkpoints, and the annexation wall, continues to expand and steal more Palestinian land and resources. As of today, the number of illegal Israeli settlements in the occupied West Bank, including Jerusalem, is close to 300, with around 750,000 Jewish settlers residing in them.

Israeli state-sanctioned settler terrorism against Palestinian civilians and property is prevalent and has been on the rise in recent years. Violence takes the form of psychological, physical, and verbal violence, including beating, throwing stones or sharp tools, intimidation, shooting, verbal assaults, and assaults on agricultural lands, cars, and homes. Such attacks are committed in the presence of Israeli occupation forces who often join them.

The high frequency of these forms of violence and their persistence give rise to psychological, physical, and material harm. Palestinian survivors of settler terrorism seldom press charges and file complaints against Israeli settlers given the complicity of the Israeli law enforcement system.

The Palestinian Initiative for the Promotion of Global Dialogue and Democracy (MIFTAH) and the Women’s Center for Legal and Counseling (WCLAC) collected questionnaires from 229 Palestinian women covering settler violence in the occupied West Bank governorates of Al-Khalil/Hebron, Bethlehem, and Jerusalem.

MIFTAH calls on the international community to:

Put an end to Israel’s impunity and hold it accountable for its persistent crimes, including the crime against humanity of apartheid, through the adoption of effective and concrete measures;

Stop all relations and trade with illegal Israeli settlements including international companies that profit from them;

Criminalize and blacklist Israeli settler groups that engage in terrorist activities and hold those with dual citizenship accountable in their respective states;

Ensure the urgent implementation of UNSCR 1325 to provide immediate protection for Palestinian women and to put an end to Israel’s impunity;

Support the UN Special Rapporteur in the oPt, the International Court of Justice’s advisory opinion, the ICC investigation and the UN Commission of Inquiry.

• The summary factsheet is accessible here.

• The full report is accessible here.