Introduction

Palestinian women in Gaza are subjected to overlapping forms of violence by Israel that converge into a single, coherent structure of domination. Starvation, sexual and gender-based violence, and reproductive violence do not occur as isolated abuses, but as an interlocking system enacted simultaneously and reinforcing one another. These practices operate across psychological, social, and biological dimensions of harm. While Palestinian women’s bodies are the immediate site of this violence, its intended target is Palestinian society as a whole. By systematically targeting women, Israel undermines collective survival, erodes social cohesion, and attacks the continuity of Palestinian life itself. Taken together, these practices constitute a gendered architecture of genocide that must be recognized and addressed as such.

The Palestinian Initiative for the Promotion of Global Dialogue and Democracy (MIFTAH) has documented these three crimes throughout Israel’s genocide in Gaza. Firsthand testimonies collected from the Gaza Strip and the occupied West Bank reveal the distinctly gendered impacts of these violations and their cumulative effects on Palestinian women.

I. Sexual and Gender-Based Violence

Sexual and gender-based violence is systematically instrumentalized by Israel as a means of humiliating and isolating Palestinian women while dismantling family and community bonds. These violations should not be understood as isolated or aberrational incidents, but rather as part of a broader historical pattern in which sexual violence has been deployed as a tool of terror and social control against the Palestinian population.

Historical records document that during the 1948 ethnic cleansing of historic Palestine, Zionist paramilitary forces including the Haganah engaged in acts of sexual violence alongside mass killings and expulsions of Palestinians. The Haganah later became the institutional foundation of the contemporary Israeli military. This historical continuity underscores how sexual violence has long functioned as a weapon of war, embedded within military practices aimed at terrorizing civilians and facilitating population displacement.

Testimonies collected by MIFTAH fieldworkers across the West Bank and Gaza Strip reveal recurring patterns. Arrests conducted in family homes routinely transform domestic spaces into sites of domination. Soldiers storm houses, often in the middle of the night, restrain family members, destroy personal belongings, steal valuables, and dictate all movement within the home. Male relatives are frequently forced to witness or participate in the abuse of female family members, a tactic designed to emasculate men and dismantle the household from within.

Sexual violence also functions as a form of psychological torture in Israeli detention and interrogation settings. Alongside sleep deprivation, starvation, and physical assault, sexual violence is deliberately employed to induce psychological breakdown and assert total control. Testimonies describe forced strip searches, removal of hijabs, invasive bodily touching, slut-shaming, and explicit threats of rape against detainees or their relatives . Testimonies collected by the Palestinian Center for Human Rights (PCHR) describe in detail the systematic use of secual torture in Israeil detention settings. Sexual violence is further enacted through blackmail, including the use of nude or indecent photographs taken during interrogation to coerce compliance or enforce silence. These practices aim to strip women of dignity, break them psychologically prior to or during interrogation, and inflict lasting harm that weakens their sense of self long after release.

The full extent of sexual violence against Palestinian women today remains difficult to quantify, as survivors rarely disclose sexual assault or rape causing underreporting to be widespread. This silence reflects structural, legal, and social barriers rather than the absence of abuse. Palestinian survivors of violence perpetrated by Israeli soldiers or settlers seldom pursue legal avenues due to the well-documented lack of accountability within Israeli law enforcement mechanisms, where investigations rarely result in prosecution or redress .

Social stigma also plays a role in silencing survivors. In a predominantly conservative social context, sexual violence carries stigma that extends beyond the survivor to her family and community. Israeli forces exploit this reality deliberately, using sexual violence and threats to women’s “honor” as mechanisms of coercion, intimidation, and social fragmentation. In this way, sexual violence operates not only as an assault on individual women, but as a strategic instrument of collective harm.

II. Reproductive Violence

Reproductive violence targets women’s capacity to give life through the systematic destruction of healthcare systems, maternity services, and the material conditions necessary for survival. It refers to deliberate actions intended to impair an entire population’s ability to reproduce and sustain itself. In Gaza, reproductive violence is not incidental to armed conflict; it is enacted through policy-driven destruction that reflects intentionality rather than collateral harm.

This violence is carried out through the systematic targeting of life-sustaining infrastructure, including hospitals, maternity wards, neonatal units, fertility clinics, and embryo preservation centers, as well as the blockade of medicines, medical equipment, and hygiene supplies. The consequences are visible in rising maternal mortality, increased miscarriages linked to malnutrition and extreme stress, untreated reproductive infections, and the repeated displacement of pregnant women seeking care within a collapsing healthcare system .

These measures directly undermine women’s ability to safely conceive, carry pregnancies to term, give birth, and raise children. Women’s reproductive health is further compromised by the deliberate obstruction of humanitarian aid and the collapse of sanitation and water infrastructure. The destruction of healthcare facilities, combined with ongoing bombardment and repeated displacement, has rendered movement dangerous and unpredictable, making access to medical care nearly impossible and severely limiting the ability of humanitarian organizations to provide reproductive and maternal health services.

As a result, there has been a sharp increase in preventable reproductive health complications. Women report rising cases of fever linked to untreated vaginal infections caused by inadequate hygiene and the absence of feminine hygiene products, as well as unnecessary hysterectomies . Women using intrauterine devices experience prolonged bleeding and infections due to unsanitary living conditions, yet no options for safe removal currently exist in Gaza, posing serious long-term risks to reproductive health and bodily integrity . Women have also been forced to undergo emergency hysterectomies to control excessive post- partum bleeding that could not be managed due to the lack of healthcare.

Reproductive violence in Gaza is therefore both biological and symbolic. It constitutes an assault on the present population and on the possibility of future generations. The objective of preventing Palestinian continuity is further evidenced by the sustained and disproportionate killing of children, who have consistently been the most targeted demographic group throughout the genocide. This killing is reinforced by an ideological framework that dehumanizes Palestinian women and children. Public statements by Israeli political and military officials have repeatedly framed the killing of women and children as militarily justified . Within this logic, women are targeted not for their actions, but for their reproductive capacity and their role in sustaining Palestinian continuity. Such rhetoric has informed and legitimized military operations in Gaza. Throughout the genocide, civilian spaces including schools, homes, and hospitals, have been deliberately targeted as a matter of state policy. These are precisely the spaces where women and children sought refuge. The systematic killing and endangerment of women and children is not a secondary effect of warfare but a central component of the broader genocidal strategy.

III. Starvation as a Weapon of Genocide

Another grave factor to the reproductive health of women in Gaza has been starvation. Prolonged malnutrition, combined with physical exhaustion, repeated displacement, and lack of healthcare infrastructure, have contributed to increased miscarriages, loss of amniotic fluid, and heightened maternal mortality . Numerous women have reported using prenatal supplements distributed by humanitarian organizations as meal substitutes for themselves or their families, or exchanging them for food and essential supplies. Breastfeeding has become increasingly difficult due to suppressed milk production associated with undernourishment, while infant formula remains largely inaccessible, placing newborns at heightened risk. Chronic stress and nutritional deprivation have also resulted in amenorrhea, fertility complications, and potential long-term reproductive harm.

For women in Gaza, starvation functions not only as a form of biological deprivation but as a structural assault on familial roles, social reproduction, and dignity. It undermines women’s capacity to fulfill caregiving responsibilities, destabilizes family life, and produces severe physical, reproductive, and psychological consequences. Women disproportionately experience the embodied impacts of hunger while simultaneously carrying the emotional labor associated with sustaining children and dependent family members.

Testimonies collected by MIFTAH from displaced women subjected to Israel’s forced starvation consistently begin with descriptions of pre-displacement life, including homes, employment, family routines, and domestic spaces. The loss of the home, particularly the kitchen, emerges as a recurrent theme, reflecting the erosion of women’s agency and identity. The destruction of homes and domestic spaces traditionally associated with women’s autonomy has contributed to a marked erosion of dignity and self-perception. Reported symptoms include anxiety, insomnia, hair loss, emotional dysregulation, and post-traumatic stress, with many women suppressing their own distress to maintain caregiving roles.

Repeated displacement has further exacerbated women’s vulnerability. Multiple forced relocations have resulted in the loss of personal possessions, kinship networks, and community-based support systems. Overcrowded shelters lack adequate privacy, sanitation, and safety, compelling women to manage childcare and food preparation under unsafe and degrading conditions. Everyday survival practices are thus shaped by constant exposure to risk and instability.

For women who serve as the primary caretakers of their families, providing for loved ones often comes at great personal risk. They are frequently reducing or skipping their own meals so that their children can eat, often continuing caregiving responsibilities despite severe physical exhaustion . In displacement, they prepare rudimentary meals using limited ingredients and improvised methods, such as cooking lentils over burning toxic materials like plastic. These practices function both as survival strategies and as efforts to maintain a sense of continuity and stability for children amid profound disruption. In these contexts, women disproportionately bear the responsibility of caring for sick, injured, or disabled family members, despite acute shortages of medical care, clean water, and shelter. Overcrowding and unsanitary conditions contribute to widespread illness, while attempts to obtain food or humanitarian assistance expose women and children to ongoing risks of injury or death.

Starvation has additionally intensified gendered pressures within households. Men’s inability to secure food or protection has been associated with increased psychological distress, thereby expanding women’s emotional and caregiving responsibilities. For women whose spouses have been killed, detained, or disappeared, starvation enforces sole provider roles under conditions that systematically undermine the possibility of survival.

Conclusion

MIFTAH has documented violations of sexual violence, reproductive violence, and starvation at various points during the genocide in Gaza. These violations, however, do not occur in isolation; they operate simultaneously, reinforcing and amplifying one another as part of a single system of control. Sexual violence isolates women from themselves and alienates them within their communities. Reproductive violence deliberately targets women because of their childbearing roles. Starvation acts as both a biological and psychological assault. Taken together, these crimes compound one another, deepening harm and undermining the survival of Palestinian women and their communities. A single woman may experience all three forms of violence, being violated in detention, displaced and denied healthcare, and later starved while unable to feed her children. Together, these crimes transform daily life into a persistent site of punishment. They attack the Palestinian female spirit, disrupt women’s societal roles, and, in doing so, fracture society across generations, making recovery increasingly difficult.

The failure to confront these violations reflects a long colonial history, in which the rhetoric of “saving women” was used to justify empire while violence against women perpetrated by colonial powers was silenced or dismissed. To resist normalization and impunity, these crimes must be recognized and addressed as mutually reinforcing acts of genocide. Understanding these violations as an interconnected system of oppression is essential to grasp their full impact on Palestinian society. These gendered crimes are not about women alone; they aim to dismantle the foundations of Palestinian life. Women are targeted not only as individuals but as mothers, community anchors, and bearers of generational continuity, while Palestinian society is systematically weakened and broken at its core.

Sources and References

Executive Summary

On 17 November 2025, the United Nations Security Council adopted Resolution 2803, establishing a new governance framework for Gaza. The resolution endorses U.S. President Donald Trump’s Comprehensive Plan to End the Gaza Conflict (CPEGC) and the creation of a transitional international administration through a U.S.-led Board of Peace (BoP) and authorizes an International Stabilization Force (ISF). Rather than ensuring Palestinian sovereignty, this framework transfers control of Gaza’s civil administration, security, reconstruction, borders, and humanitarian aid to external actors, entrenching foreign oversight and further consolidating Israeli dominance over the occupied Palestinian territory.

This resolution raises grave legal and political concerns. It departs from foundational principles of international law and undermines the Palestinian people’s inalienable right to self-determination. By providing no mechanisms for accountability for Israel’s documented violations, offering no concrete safeguards for Palestinian rights, and presenting an undefined framework with no clear timeline or benchmarks, Resolution 2803 risks perpetuating systemic injustices, enabling a reconfigured form of occupation, and further entrenching the colonial-style control already in place.

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Executive Summary

The outbreak of famine in the Gaza Strip has been a deliberate, man-made policy pursued by the Israeli government as part of its genocide. In August 2025, famine was declared by the Integrated Food Security Phase Classification (IPC) for the first time in the region.

Evidence gathered by MIFTAH through sworn testimonies from women and girls demonstrates that starvation in Gaza is not an unintended by-product of war, but a deliberate and systematic policy used to subjugate and besiege the civilian population.

MIFTAH’s report, “Famine and the Violation of the Right to Food,” outlines the intersection of starvation, displacement, and bombardment, highlighting the gender-specific impacts these practices have on women. It situates the famine within the framework of war crimes, crimes against humanity, and acts of genocide under international law. Article 8(2)(b)(xxv) of the Rome Statute defines as a war crime the act of “intentionally using starvation of civilians as a method of warfare by depriving them of objects indispensable to their survival, including willfully impeding relief supplies as provided for under the Geneva Conventions.” The report also shows how the militarization of humanitarian aid and the manipulation of financial systems have turned basic survival into a tool of political coercion against Palestinians, especially women.

To view the Full Policy Paper as PDF

• Labour force Participation rate declined by 2% in the West Bank and 6% in Gaza Strip during 4th quarter 2007

• Hebron governorate registered the highest unemployment rate among the West Bank governorates ( 30.5%), while in Gaza Strip, Khan Younis governorate registered the highest percentage of unemployment (34.2%)

This report is based on the Labour Force quarterly Survey. Data was collected during 7/10/2007 to 4/1/2008, representing the 4th quarter 2007.

The survey sample of this round is based on the 1997 census (Updated on 2003), 7,546 households were selected to represent the Palestinian society of which 5,903 questionnaires were completed.

Economically Active:

• According to the ILO standards, the percentage of participants in labour force decreased by 3.0% between the 3rd quarter 2007 and the 4th quarter 2007, where it decreased from 42.7% in the 3rd quarter 2007 to 41.4% in the 4th quarter 2007, compared with 43.0% in the 4th quarter 2006. The participation rate of women decreased from 15.7% in the 3rd quarter 2007 to 15.5% in the 4th quarter 2007, the change rate is 1.3%.

Unemployed Persons:

• According to the relaxed definition of unemployment, The percentage of persons who don't work nevertheless seeking or not seeking job, decreased from 29.1% in the 3rd quarter 2007 to 28.8% in the 4th quarter 2007, compared with 28.4% in the 4th quarter 2006.

• According to the ILO standards, The percentage of persons who don't work, but seeking job decreased from 23.2% in the 3rd quarter 2007 to 22.2% in the 4th quarter 2007, compared with 22.0% in the 4th quarter 2006. The results showed that unemployment rate in the West Bank increased from 18.6% in the 3rd quarter 2007 to 19.2% in the 4th quarter 2007, while it decreased in Gaza Strip from 32.9% in the 3rd quarter 2007 to 29.0% in the 4th quarter 2007, despite of that unemployment rate in Gaza Strip still high.

• Hebron governorate registered the highest unemployment rate among the West Bank governorates the percentage reached 30.5% followed by Tulkarem 21.4% then Jenin Governorates 19.2%, while in Gaza Strip, Khan Younis governorate registered the highest percentage of unemployment (34.2%) followed by Gaza North governorate 32.0%).

• The results showed that the highest percentage of unemployment concentrated among the youth at different stages, the highest percentage registered for the age group 15-19 it reached 38.6%, thereof 33.5% in the West Bank and 52.4% in Gaza Strip, followed by 20-24 age group it reached 36.2%, thereof 29.6% in the West Bank and 48.4% in Gaza Strip, then 25-29 group, it reached 22.4%, thereof 21.4% in the West Bank and 24.4% in Gaza Strip.

• The results showed that the lowest percentage of unemployment appeared among females who not complete any years of schooling. Whereas the percentage reached 28.8% for those whom finished 13 years of schooling and above. While the lowest percentage among males registered for whom finished 13 years of schooling and above it reached 13.5% whereas the highest percentage registered for those who finished 7-9 years of schooling it reached 26.7%.

Employed Persons:

• At economic activity1 level the results showed that the percentage of those who are working in Agriculture sector in the West Bank decreased from 17.4% to 17.0% between 3rd quarter and 4th quarter 2007, While in the Gaza strip the results showed that there was a decrease of those who are working in construction sector from 3.7% in 3rd quarter to 1.5% in the 4th quarter 2007. and a decrease of those who worked at manufacturing sector the percentage decreased from 5.8% to 5.5% at the same period.

• On the other hand the results showed that the percentage of employed persons at services and other branches sector reached 33.6% in the West Bank and 52.2% in Gaza Strip in the 4th quarter 2007.

• On the other hand, the results in the West Bank showed increase of the percentage of wage employees, it increased from 57.6% in the 3rd quarter to 59.7% in the 4th quarter 2007, while the percentage of unpaid family members decreased (from 13.0% in the 3rd quarter to 11.8% in the 4th quarter 2007), While in Gaza Strip the percentage of wage employees decreased from 64.8% in the 3rd quarter to 62.5% in the 4th quarter 2007, and increase in the percentage of unpaid family members from 11.7% to 12.4% in the 4th quarter 2007.

• The employment from the West Bank in Israel and Israeli settlements increased from 12.9% in the 3rd quarter to 14.0% in the 4th quarter 2007, whereas in Gaza Strip there was no access the workers to enter Israeli settlements.

• The results showed that the public sector employed one fifth (22.5%) of total employment, 15.0% in the West Bank and 41.1% in Gaza Strip.

Wages and Work Hours:

• The average value of the nominal daily net wage of the employees in the West Bank increased from 77.1 NIS in 3rd quarter to 80.3 NIS in the 4th quarter 2007, compared with 79.3 NIS in the 4th quarter 2006. while in Gaza Strip the nominal daily net wage of the employees remains at the same level 64.1 NIS between 3rd quarter and 4th quarter 2007, compared with 67.0 NIS in the 4th quarter 2006. Also the nominal daily net wage for those working in Israel and Israeli settlements increased from 131.9 NIS in the 3rd quarter to 133.1 NIS in the 4th quarter 2007, compared with 138.6 NIS in the 4th quarter 2006.

• The average weekly work hours in the West Bank decreased from 42.5 work hour in 3rd quarter to 39.6 work hour in the 4th quarter 2007, and it decreased in Gaza Strip from 39.7 work hour in the 3rd quarter to 38.2 work hour in the 4th quarter 2007, also it decreased for those working in Israel and Israeli settlements from 43.9 work hour in the 3rd quarter to 40.3 work hour in the 4th quarter 2007.

Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics

Press Release on Labour Force Survey Results (April-June, 2005) Round

Decreased of Unemployed Persons by 14.9% between 1st quarter and 2nd quarter 2005

This report is based on the Labour Force quarterly Survey. Data was collected during 2/04/2005 to 01/07/2005, representing the 2nd quarter 2005.

The survey sample of this round is based on the 1997 census, 7,563 households were selected to represent the Palestinian society of which 6,621 questionnaires were completed.

Economically Active:

• According to the ILO standards, the percentage of participants in labour force increased by 3.8% between the 1st quarter 2005 and the 2nd quarter 2005, where it increased from 39.7% in the 1st quarter 2005 to 41.2% in the 2nd quarter 2005, compared with 43.5% in the 3rd quarter 2000. Also the participation rate of women increased from 12.2% in the 1st quarter to 14.1% in the 2nd quarter 2005 (the number increased by 22 thousand women).

Unemployed Persons:

• The percentage of persons who don't work nevertheless seeking or not seeking job, decreased from 31.7% in the 1st quarter 2005 to 26.5% in the 2nd quarter 2005, compared with 20.2% in the 3rd quarter 2000, according to the relaxed definition of unemployment.
• The percentage of persons who don't work, but seeking job decreased sharply from 26.3% in the 1st quarter 2005 to 21.2% in the 2nd quarter 2005 according to the ILO standards, compared with 10.0% in the 3rd quarter 2000 (before the beginning of Al-Aqsa Intifada). The results showed that unemployment rate in the West Bank decreased from 22.6% in the 1st quarter 2005 to 17.2% in the 2nd quarter 2005, in Gaza Strip decreased from 34.0% in the 1st quarter 2005 to 30.2% in the 2nd quarter 2005, despite of that unemployment rate in Gaza Strip still high.
• Hebron governorate registered the highest percentage of unemployment rate among the West Bank governorates which reached 24.2% followed by Salfiet district (22.1%) then Qalqilia ( 20.8%), while in Gaza Strip Deir Al Balah governorate registered the highest percentage of unemployment rate 35.2% followed by Khan Younis governorate 34.7%.
• The results showed that the highest percentage of unemployment concentrated among the youth, the highest percentage registered for the age group 20-24 it reached 34.4% (27.7% in the West Bank compared with 47.5% in Gaza Strip), thereof 48.4% for women and 31.6% for men, followed by 15-19 age group it reached 33.7%, thereof (31.6% in the West Bank 39.6% in Gaza Strip), then 25-29 group it reached 20.8% (18.2% in the West Bank compared with 26.4% in Gaza Strip).

Employed Persons:

• The results showed a significant increase in the number of employed persons between the 1st and 2nd quarter 2005, the increase rate reached 12.0%, the number of employed persons reached 656 thousand compared with 586 thousand in the 1st quarter 2005 (the number in the West Bank increased by 14.1%, and in Gaza Strip increased by 6.5%), also the results showed an increase of employed women by 17.8% between the 1st and 2nd quarter 2005 compared with an increase of 10.8% of employed men during the same period.
• The local sector employed 63 thousand worker, 8 thousands of them employed by the public sector (5 thousands in Gaza Strip and 3 thousands in the West Bank) . In addition to that the Israeli labour market employed 7 thousands (2 thousands worker from Gaza Strip and 5 thousands worker from the West Bank ).
• The results showed that private sector employed the highest percentage of the new employed persons 78.7% of the total new workers, which is estimated to 70 thousand worker, which mean 55 thousand worker was employed by private sector (50 thousand in the West Bank and 5 thousands in Gaza Strip), 43.5% from them worked as unpaid family member and 31.5% worked as self employed.
• Agriculture sector employed the highest percentage of the new employed persons who worked as unpaid family members (68.3%) followed by trade sector (13.7%) then manufacturing sector (12.2%). While the new workers who worked as self employed the highest percentage of them were registered at trade sector at 45.8% compared with 35.4% worked in agriculture sector.
• The positive changes occurred at the Palestinian labour market, reflected on the percentage distribution of employed persons, the results showed a significant increase in the percentage of employment1 for those who are working in agriculture in the West Bank (14.4% in the 1st quarter 2005 to 18.4% in the 2nd quarter 2005). Compared with a decrease in the percentage of the employment in services sector from 33.2% in the 1st quarter to 30.7% in the 2nd quarter 2005. While the percentage increased in Gaza Strip of those who are working in trade, hotels and restaurants from 14.8% in 1st quarter 2005 to 17.5% in the 2nd quarter 2005.
• On the other hand, the results showed an increase in the percentage of unpaid family members in the West Bank (from 8.4% in the 1st quarter 2005 to 11.9% in the 2nd quarter 2005), compared with a decreased of the percentage of wage employees from 58.6% to 55.3% between the 1st and 2nd quarter 2005, whereas in Gaza Strip the percentage of wage employees decreased from 67.2% to 65.3%, compared with an increase in the percentage of unpaid family member from 7.7% to 8.7% between the 1st quarter and 2nd quarter 2005, in addition to an increase of workers who worked as employers from 2.0% to 2.9% during the same period.
• The employment from the West Bank in Israel and Israeli settlements decreased to 13.6% in the 2nd quarter 2005 compared with 14.2% in the 1st quarter 2005, whereas in Gaza Strip the number reached 2 thousand in the 2nd quarter while the number is a bout 500 workers in the 1st quarter 2005.

Wages:

• The average value of the nominal daily net wage of the employees in the West Bank increased from 71.1 NIS in 1st quarter 2005 to 73.9 NIS in the 2nd quarter 2005, compared with 70.3 NIS in the 3rd quarter 2000. While the nominal daily net wage of the employees in Gaza Strip increased from 59.8 NIS in the 1st quarter 2005 to 60.7 NIS in the 2nd quarter 2005, compared with 50.4 NIS in the 3rd quarter 2000. Also the Average daily net wage for those working in Israel and settlements increased from 121.8 NIS in the 1st quarter 2005 to 125.6 NIS in the 2nd quarter 2005, compared with 110.8 NIS in the 3rd quarter 2000.

Dependency Ratio and Poverty:

• The economic dependency ratio decreased in the Palestinian Territory from 6.3 to 5.7 between the 1st and 2nd quarter 2005 (the change rate is 9.5%). It decreased in the West Bank from 5.6 to 5.0 (the change rate is 10.7%) and in Gaza Strip decreased from 8.2 to 7.7 (the change rate is 6.1%). The ratio in the West Bank and in Gaza Strip reached 4.3 and 5.9 in the 3rd quarter 2000 respectively.
• The percentage of employees whose monthly wages below poverty line3 decreased from 58.8% in the 1st quarter 2005 to 56.6% in the 2nd quarter 2005 (the change rate is 3.7%), while it reached 43.5% in the 3rd quarter 2000.

Comments on the results of the 2nd quarter 2005:
The changes occurred on the Palestinian labour market are not concentrated on specific geographical area or specific sector or specific employment status. The labour force participation rate increased and unemployment rate decreased in all governorates except Qalqilia governorate which remains at the same level, and Salfiet district which increased in the West Bank, and in Gaza Strip the percentage remain at the same level at Gaza governorate while the rate increased at Rafah governorate. On the other hand, the number of employed persons at Gaza Strip increased by 11 thousand worker against the decreased of unemployed number by 8 thousands and 3 thousands their employment status changed from outside labour force to inside labour force. The increased number of employed persons worked at public sector by 41.0%, and 47.0% of them distributed equally as self employed or unpaid family member while the remaining percentages distributed at other. The trade sector employed the highest percentage of the new workers 53.0% followed by construction sector (24.0%) then manufacturing sector (23.0%). Also the women participation rate in labour force increased from 8.6% to 9.4%, and Israeli labour market employed 2 thousands worker from Gaza Strip in the 2nd quarter 2005, while the number is a bout 500 workers in the 1st quarter 2005.
In the West Bank, about 36 thousand person entered to labour market (the number of labour force participants increased to 576 thousand in the 2nd quarter compared with 540 thousand in the 1st quarter 2005), the increased rate of man power (15 years and over) is about 12 thousand person, also 24 thousand person their labour force status changed from outside labour force to inside labour force, The employed persons increased by 59 thousand worker in the 2nd quarter 2005, of them 36 thousand (due to the increased of the manpower 15 years and over and 24 thousand worked after being unemployed) .
The large assimilation of labour force and the increased of job opportunities by 59 thousand job, distributed among all sectors, the employment increased in Israel and Israeli Settlements by 5400 worker, also local agriculture sector employed 24 thousand worker followed by trade sector which employed 8 thousand person then manufacturing sector employed 6 thousand worker. While the public sector employed 2600 worker, the workers who worked under the temporarily employment project which administrated by Ministry of Labour are classified by place of work (public or private sector). the local sector employed 53 thousand worker, about 40.0% of them as unpaid, 37.0% as self employed in agriculture or trade or manufacturing, also observed from the results that the women participation rate increased from 12.2% in the 1st quarter to 14.1% in the 2nd quarter 2005.

Several factors contributed in these changes such as:

1. The observed facilitation in all regions during the 2nd quarter 2005. such as the reopening the Al Bazan road which facilitate the people movements among Jenin, Tubas and Nablus witnessed observed decrease in unemployment rate, also the removal of the barriers that separate Tul Karem from West Bank.
2. The number of employed in Israel and Settlements increased in addition to the increased of the workers who worked without permissions from 60 thousand in the 1st quarter to 65 thousand in the 2nd quarter 2005.
3. Agriculture season in the West Bank which confirmed by time series studying, the results showed an increase of employed at agriculture sector from 14.4% in the 1st quarter to 18.4% in the 2nd quarter 2005.
4. Temporarily employment project ,which administrated by Ministry of Labour, employed about 50 thousand worker during the 2nd quarter 2005, while it is necessary to indicate that public sector is not only the employed sector, when unemployed person employed by this project in private sector then this person will be registered as worker in private sector.

226,000 Palestinian households lost more than 50% of their usual income and about 22.6% of Households in Gaza Strip Suffered from Highly Critical Living Conditions

The PCBS (Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics) conducted the 9th round of the survey on the impact of Israeli measures on the economic conditions of the Palestinian households. Data collection was conducted during the Second Quarter 2004.

The main objective of the survey is to continue monitoring the economic conditions of the Palestinian households and their standards of living as the Israeli measures continued against the PNA and the Palestinian people. This round of the survey is based on a random sample of 3,908 households, of which 3,398 households completed the interview. The completed interviews are distributed by region as 2,228 in the West Bank and 1,170 in the Gaza Strip.

Household’s income - Results indicate that the median monthly income in the Palestinian Territory has decreased from NIS 2,500 (620 USD/706 EURO) before Al Aqsa Intifada to NIS 1,600 (355 USD/289 EURO) during the 2nd Quarter 2004. This decrease varies by region. The median monthly income decreased in the West Bank from NIS 3,000 (744 USD/847 EURO) to NIS 2,000 (444 USD/361 EURO) while in the Gaza Strip it decreased from NIS 1,500 (372 USD/423 EURO) to NIS 1,200 (266 USD/216 EURO).

Results of the survey indicate that 59.7% (362,000 households) of the Palestinian households decreased their income during Al-Aqsa Intifada, of which 62.5% (226,000 households) lost more than 50% of their usual income during Al-Aqsa Intifada, while 63.3% (159,000 households) of the households decreased their income in the West Bank compared with 52.3% (67,000 households) in Gaza Strip.

The Income Sources - Results of the survey indicate that the main income source of the Palestinian households during 2nd Quarter 2004 was wages and salaries from the private sector, (30.7%), followed by wages and salaries from public sector employment (19.9%) and from households projects (14.2%).

Coping Strategies - The results indicated that during year 2003, 58.2% of the households (353,000 households) in the Palestinian Territory reduced there expenditure on basic needs, 59.5% in the West Bank and 55.4% in Gaza Strip.

The results indicate also that 78.0% of the households took various coping measures during year 2003 depending on the monthly family income. This was manifested in delaying payment of bills by 69.4% and reduced expenditure by 58.7%.

The survey indicates that 31.2% of the households in the West Bank can cope with the situation for more than one year, comparing with 26.8% in Gaza Strip. 22.6% of the households in Gaza Strip, and 11.7% in the West Bank suffered from highly critical living conditions.

Humanitarian aid - Results show that 21.2% of interviewed households (128,000 households) reported that they received humanitarian assistance during the 2nd Quarter 2004, of which 18.2% in the West Bank and 27.2% in Gaza Strip.

On the other hand, 71.8% of the households (435,000 households) reported that they need assistance, of which 71.7% in the West Bank and 71.9% in Gaza Strip. About 13.1% of the households receiving humanitarian aid reported that the total amount of assistance received is less than NIS 100, while 39.5% of them have received less than NIS 200, 58.2% have received less than NIS 300. However, the frequency of providing the assistance for households, PNA institutions (including Ministry of Social Affairs) are rated at the highest rank at 28.8%, then comes UNRWA by 25.6%, while relatives by 14.3%, and labor unions by 10.0%. The results reveal also that 52.8% of the total assistance is provided in the form of food supplies, and 28.6% in cash.

Priority Needs of Households - The results reveal that 38.4% of households reported the need for food as top priority during 2nd Quarter 2004, while 19.9 of households reported the need for work, and 18.9% of households expressed the need for money, and 9.0% of households expressed the need for education as their first priority, and 6.4% of households expressed the need for medicine as their first priority.

Access to Health Services - The results indicate that 45.3% of the households have access problem to health services because of the high cost of medical treatment, 40.1% due to the Israeli closure, 38.3% of households because of military checkpoint, and 8.9% of households because of the expansion and annexation wall.

As a social/pastoral organization of the Catholic Church working in the Holy Land since 1967, Caritas Jerusalem wishes to reiterate the need for immediate humanitarian interventions in the Palestinian territories. These should include job creation programs, micro-lending, short and long term medical assistance, humanitarian social assistance, assistance to secure needed medicines and tuition assistance.

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H.E Dr. Nabil Qassis, Minister of Planning, and Mr. Piers Cazalet, Acting Consul General of the UK to the Palestinian Authority, and Mr. Andrea Tamagnini, Special Representative a.i, UNDP, will approve a generous grant of £950,000 in support of the Ministry of Planning's commitment to mainstreaming the issue of poverty reduction in its humanitarian and developmental planning instruments. The signing ceremony will take place in the Ministry of planning in Ramallah, at noon.

The grant, funded by The Department of International Development, of the Government of the United Kingdom will kick-start the Palestinian Pro-poor Participatory Planning (PPP) project to be implemented by the Ministry of Planning (MOP) in joint partnership with the United Nations Development Programme/Programme of Assistance to the Palestinian People.

"This initiative will complement and deepen the Palestinian Authority's commitment to making sure scarce resources are better allocated in line with people's priorities on the ground despite the difficult challenges due to the Occupation and worsening human security". Said H.E. Dr. Qassis.

The Consul General of the UK reaffirmed the commitment of his Government to supporting the Palestinian development process by saying "The initiative will promote coordination with line Ministries and civil society for inclusion of the voices of the poor in ministry and donor decisions".

The UNDP Special Representative spoke of UNDPs mission and experience of forging ahead to improve the lives of the Palestinian people through the joint partnership that has spanned over 25 years. "This initiative will support UNDPs global mission to engender a culture of participation and dialogue in development planning in all the countries and programmes that it operates in." said Mr. Tamagnini.

The main goals of the PPP project are to strengthen the capacity for the Ministry of Planning (MOP) to deliver a poverty- focused and broadly owned Medium Term Development Plan; Institutional arrangements at district level for partnership and advocacy for poverty reduction are established and capacity strengthened; At the national level, sector planning units/departments are formally linked to the MOP and the PPP is able to influence key national polices and programmes; The National Commission for Poverty Eradication is expanded and effective; Capacity for participatory planning for poverty reduction is strengthened in the West Bank and Gaza Strip; and, an effective donor mechanism supports the PPP.

The PPP initiative is the second phase of the joint Ministry of Planning and UNDPs Palestinian Participatory Poverty Assessment Project completed in August 2002, also funded by DFID. Results of the project are available online on www.pppap.org.