"This is a battle for survival of the Jewish people, for survival of the
state of Israel"
–Ariel Sharon, April 9 20021
ISRAEL’S CURRENT war in the Occupied Territories is one of conquest, not
defense. The West Bank and Gaza Strip, along with the eastern, Arab half
Jerusalem, were seized by Israel in the June 1967 war. It considers these
lands to be part of "Eretz Israel" (Greater Israel). Since then, Israel
engaged in a policy of colonization, demolishing Palestinian olive
homes and towns and setting up strategic Jewish colonies. Israel then
justifies its extension of its military control over the region, as well
its seizure of key water sources, as necessary security measures to
its settlements. As one historian explains, Israel is the region’s most
powerful state–not a besieged victim, but a colonial aggressor:
The postwar tactics of the Israeli government in the occupied territories
are characterized, in the contemporary euphemism, by the continuous
"creation of facts." Among these facts are the expropriation of Arab
the expulsion of the Arab population and the establishment of Jewish
colonies. The overall strategy, again in the popular phrase, is "creeping
annexation" of the occupied lands. This strategy is pursued by the
military and unique nuclear power in the region; it has been adopted
from any overpowering force of circumstances nor from a compelling need
greater security. This much has been publicy conceded in Israel by
members of the military establishment who claim that at no time before,
during or since the June war has Israel been in any danger of defeat.2
Today, Israel’s massive military power makes its position even more
unassailable. Palestinian resistance against the occupation has prompted
massive Israeli violence to suppress it, the latest being Sharon’s
of the West Bank with tanks, F-16s, bulldozers and Apache helicopters–all
paid for by the United States.
The Israeli state, in fact, was founded in 1948 on the forced expulsion
700,000 Palestinians from their homeland. Hundreds of emptied Arab
were renamed and repopulated with Jews. Israeli defense forces and
committed a number of massacres in order to terrorize Palestinians into
fleeing their homes, the most well-known being that of Deir Yassin in
1948, where Jewish paramilitary forces–the Stern Gang, the Haganah, and
Irgun–slaughtered 250 men, women, and children. But there were many
including the massacre of October 29, 1948, in which Israeli soldiers
murdered 80—100 men, women, and children from the village Dawayma in the
Haifa subdistrict. The Jenin refugee camp that was so brutally devastated
early April was first created for Palestinians who were forcibly removed
from the coastal region of Haifa in 1948. Now thousands of them are
The Oslo Accords of 1993 and subsequent "peace" agreements did not slow
process of "creeping annexation." Since Oslo, the number of Jewish
in East Jerusalem, the West Bank, and Gaza have almost doubled to over
400,000. Thirty-four new settlements have been approved since Ariel
Some try to describe the current conflict as a "cycle of violence." But
Haim Bresheeth, writing in the May 2—8 Al Ahram Weekly notes, this
"there is a symmetry between the occupier and the occupied–as if the
violence of a mighty army destroying all before it is equal to the
hopelessness and anger that forces people to kill others by committing
"Ariel Sharon is a man of peace."
–President George Bush, April 18, 20023
ARIEL SHARON nicknamed the "bulldozer," is a war criminal, responsible
numerous atrocities against Palestinians. He oversaw the Sabra and
massacre, in which Lebanese fascist militia slaughtered hundreds of
Palestinians while Israeli troops surrounded the camps. He has overseen
expansion of Israeli settlements, the brutal Israeli invasion and
of southern Lebanon in 1982, and years of repression in the Occupied
Territories. Despite his talk of being willing to "make painful
compromises," Sharon is committed to a vision of Eretz Israel, in which
Israel would take all of the land of historic Palestine for an expanded
Jewish state. As he wrote, "We must say very clearly that our concern for
our own survival does not permit the establishment of a second
state on the West Bank" (Jordan being, in Sharon’s mind, a Palestinian
Sharon recently said he would not withdraw from a single Israeli
"The fate of Neztarim is the fate of Tel Aviv," Sharon told a committee
the Knesset (parliament) in mid-April 2002, indicating that the illegal
colonial outpost of Netzarim in the Gaza Strip (an area that the
Palestinians supposedly control) is as much a part of Israel as its
major city.5 Sharon has repeatedly said that he will not allow a
of Israel to the borders it has established before the June 1967,
of its neighbors. According to Sharon, "Israel cannot return to the ’67
borders," which he referred to as "Auschwitz borders."6
According to Ephraim Sneh, the Israeli transport minister, Sharon is
planning to annex half the West Bank to Israel.7 And one of Israel’s
historians, Martin van Creveld predicts that Sharon is planning to use
cover of a U.S. war against Iraq to ethnically cleanse Palestinians from
Sharon, rather than seeking peace of any kind, has deliberately provoked
Palestinian movement in order to justify all-out war in the Occupied
Territories. Whenever there has been a lull in the conflict, Israel has
upped the ante by carrying out an assassination of a respected
militant, expecting reprisals, which could then be used as an excuse to
"retaliate." Alexander Cockburn, citing a November 25 article in the
right-of-center Israeli paper Yediot Ahronot, made this observation:
Alex Fishman is the main commentator on security matters for Israel’s
largest mass circulation paper, Yediot Ahronot, a publication with
right-of-center politics. Fishman is known for his excellent contacts in
military. On Sunday, November 25, Fishman issued a prediction based on
recent assassination on November 23 by Israel’s security services of the
Hamas leader, Mahmud Abu Hunud….
"Whoever gave a green light to this act of liquidation knew full well
he is thereby shattering in one blow the gentleman’s agreement between
and the Palestinian Authority; under that agreement, Hamas was to avoid
the near future suicide bombings inside the Green Line, of the kind
perpetrated at the Dolphinarium [discotheque in Tel-Aviv]."
Fishman stated flatly that such an agreement did exist, even if neither
Palestinian Authority nor Hamas would admit to it in public. "It is a
he continued, "that, while the security services did accumulate repeated
warnings of planned Hamas terrorist attacks within the Green Line, these
not materialize. That cannot be attributed solely to the Shabak’s
success in intercepting the suicide bombers and their controllers.
the respective leaderships of the Palestinian Authority and Hamas came to
the understanding that it would be better not to play into Israel’s hands
mass attacks on its population centers."
In other words Arafat had managed to convince Hamas to curb its suicide
bombers. This understanding was shattered by the assassination of Abu
"Whoever decided upon the liquidation of Abu Hunud," Fishman continued,
"knew in advance that that would be the price. The subject was
discussed both by Israel’s military echelon and its political one, before
was decided to carry out the liquidation. Now, the security bodies assume
that Hamas will embark on a concerted effort to carry out suicide
and preparations are made accordingly." 9
Sharon has consistently refused to negotiate with Yasser Arafat, who,
despite his compromises with Israel, is universally regarded as the main
representative of the Palestinian people. In Sharon’s words, "with
no one will be able to make peace."10 When Bush described Sharon as a man
peace, Israel was in the midst of its most violent and sweeping campaign
against the Palestinians since 1967.
Israel’s brutal invasion imprisoned Arafat, destroyed the infrastructure
only of Palestinian Authority rule, but of Palestinian life. Israel wants
peace, certainly: a peace built upon the homes of expelled Palestinians.
They want a solution to the Palestinian problem in which the Palestinians
peacefully acquiesce to the dispossession of their land, their homes, and
are left, at best, with tiny, isolated, walled enclaves (prisons, really)
poverty and destitution.
"[W]e are a humane army.’"
–Brigadier-General Eyal Shlein, the man in charge of the assault on
explaining how "the Israeli army showed restraint."11
Journalist Chris Hedges, in his "Gaza Diary," published in Harper’s
describes one incident that reveals the attitude Israeli soldiers have
toward killing Palestinian children:
It is still. The camp waits, as if holding its breath. And then, out of
dry furnace air, a disembodied voice crackles over a loudspeaker.
"Come on, dogs," the voice booms in Arabic. "Where are all the dogs of
Younis? Come! Come!"
I stand up. I walk outside the hut. The invective continues to spew: "Son
a bitch!" "Son of a whore!" "Your mother’s cunt!"
The boys dart in small packs up the sloping dunes to the electric fence
separates the camp from the Jewish settlement. They lob rocks toward two
armored jeeps parked on top of the dune and mounted with loudspeakers.
ambulances line the road below the dunes in anticipation of what is to
A percussion grenade explodes. The boys, most no more than ten or eleven
years old, scatter, running clumsily across the heavy sand. They descend
of sight behind a sandbank in front of me. There are no sounds of
The soldiers shoot with silencers. The bullets from the M-16 rifles
end over end through the children’s slight bodies. Later, in the
will see the destruction: the stomachs ripped out, the gaping holes in
Yesterday at this spot the Israelis shot eight young men, six of whom
under the age of eighteen. One was twelve. This afternoon they kill an
eleven-year-old boy, Ali Murad, and seriously wound four more, three of
are under eighteen. Children have been shot in other conflicts I have
covered–death squads gunned them down in El Salvador and Guatemala,
with infants were lined up and massacred in Algeria, and Serb snipers put
children in their sights and watched them crumple onto the pavement in
Sarajevo–but I have never before watched soldiers entice children like
into a trap and murder them for sport.12
The current Israeli offensive has involved indiscriminate killing of men,
women and children; the systematic destruction of property; the cutting
of water supply; and the prevention of travel even for ambulances. It is
full-scale war against the entire population. Like the war in Vietnam,
Israeli soldiers make war on the whole people, because the vast majority
the Palestinian people oppose Israel’s occupation. Thousands of
men have been rounded up, stripped, blindfolded, detained, and many
and beaten. Palestinians have routinely been used by Israeli soldiers as
human shields to conduct house-to-house searches.
In its attacks on Palestinian refugee camps and towns from March 1 to
28, 2002, the Israeli military reportedly killed 345 Palestinians (35 of
them under the age of 18) and wounded 1,346. (At least eight more were
killed when Israel entered Hebron on April 29.13) "The mismatch in force
arms was stark," the New York Times was forced to admit:
The Israeli Army used Vulcan antiaircraft guns, able to shoot 3,000
minute, inside the camp. It used Cobra helicopters with thermal detection
capability to fire TOW missiles – intended for use against tanks on open
battlefields – through the walls of houses, some with noncombatants
It deployed scores of Merkava tanks and armored vehicles equipped with
machine guns. It used bulldozers to raze civilian homes, crushing more
more of them – but with less and less warning, Palestinians said.14
Sharon launched a major offensive into Ramallah and ordered the army to
target Arafat’s own headquarters, "smashing through walls and battling
to room," cutting off electricity to the building, and firing on his
leaving him sitting at his desk by candlelight.15 As the army went house
house and rounded up all men in Ramallah aged 15 to 45, Israel ordered
foreign reporters and also solidarity activists trying to disrupt the
operation. Reporters were shot at and tear gassed as they tried to report
Israel’s operations in the West Bank. "[J]ournalists are banned, and
[Israeli] government officials have warned that those caught [in
could have their press cards revoked. A new list today of closed military
zones includes every city and town the army has entered."16 Conditions
so grim that even the World Bank protested that "the [Israeli] army had
destroyed water and electricity facilities, homes, schools and public
buildings" in the towns it had occupied.17
Palestinians are routinely denied necessary health care, as this report
B’Tselem, the Israeli human rights organization, reported on this
On April 29, 2002, at around 7:00 PM, 28-year-old Amal ‘Afaneh who was
months pregnant, began feeling extreme abdominal pain. ‘Afaneh’s
considered taking her to the hospital in Nablus by car, a distance of
to 6 kilometers from their village of Azmut. They decided against it, as
they feared being shot by Israeli soldiers who are positioned at the
entrance to the village and along the road between Azmut and Nablus. The
family called the Red Crescent and the Red Cross to request that they
an ambulance. The family was told that this could only be done following
coordination with the Israeli military.
While the Red Crescent and the Red Cross worked on obtaining the required
Israeli approval, the family called a nurse who lives in the village. The
nurse gave ‘Afaneh preliminary treatment, and herself called the Red
Crescent to urge them to hurry, as ‘Afaneh needed treatment that she
At 9:00 PM, the family was told that approval had been received and an
ambulance was on its way. In fact, the Red Crescent ambulance had already
arrived at the entrance to ‘Azmut, but was detained for thirty minutes by
Israeli tank crew. The soldiers ordered the ambulance driver, Samir Abu
Seir, and the paramedic, Jamal Abu Hamdeh, to open the doors of the
ambulance, and take off all their clothes. The soldiers then took away
identification papers, turned off their walkie-talkies, and made them sit
the ground. After searching the ambulance, the soldiers ordered the two
to return to Nablus. The ambulance was forced to leave without ‘Afaneh.
When ‘Afaneh’s relatives heard that an ambulance had been seen leaving
‘Azmut, they called the Red Crescent again, and were told that the IDF
denied the ambulance entry into the village, and nothing more could be
At 9:30 PM, Amal ‘Afaneh gave birth. Her baby did not survive. She
at home, still unable to reach the hospital for follow-up treatment.18
The Red Cross protested Israel’s attacks on its ambulances, and
which limited its ability to "feed and provide medical care to
civilians," while the Israeli human rights group B’Tselem petitioned
Israel’s High Court "after receiving reports of torture at the Ofer
detention center near Ramallah."19
Israeli troops moved into Bethlehem, Hebron, Jenin, Salfit, Beit Jala,
Nablus, and Tulkarm, and Qalqilya, conducting house-to-house searches.
each city," the New York Times reported, "the [Israeli] army was proving
more intense, ruthless and thorough than in any prior incursion,
the raids last month."20 Israeli army Major General Yitzhak Eitan
"This operation will last as long as necessary, without a time limit," as
Israel called up 20,000 reservists for duty.21
Israel’s destruction of the Jenin refugee camp in early April was the
horrific. Terje Roed-Larsen, the United Nation’s special envoy to the
East, said the conditions in the Jenin refugee camp after Israel’s
onslaught there were "horrific and shocking beyond belief. . . . No
objective can justify producing such suffering for the population."22
"The devastation is worse than I expected," said one aid worker who
from the camp this afternoon. "I couldn’t have imagined anything worse
this." The aid workers see the camp as the equivalent of an earthquake
where hundreds of homes have been flattened and thousands are in need of
immediate food and housing. An estimated 3,000 people remain in the camp
10,000 are believed to be scattered across the area.23 The Guardian’s
Suzanne Goldenberg said Jenin "look[ed] more like the scene of an
than a combat zone after it was flattened by Israeli army bulldozers."24
One eyewitness description of the Jenin "incursion" gives a sense of the
horror experienced by Jenin’s citizens:
Khadra Samara, 33, the wife of the hospital cook [at Razi Hospital], said
she was inside her home on Rawabi Street in the [Jenin] refugee camp
11:30 Sunday night when an Israeli bulldozer approached and tore through
front gate and began slamming into the house.
"We started screaming and lighting lamps and candles so they’d know
was inside," she said. "We were 15 women and children. . . . But as we
screamed, a missile was fired at the house, destroying the second and
floors. The whole house shook, there was a flash of light, and all the
windows were blown out."
In a panic, Samara called her husband at the hospital and pleaded for
Inexplicably, the bulldozer backed off. But before dawn Monday it smashed
into the house again, shaking the cinder-block walls of the bedroom where
the children were sleeping.
"The top of the wall started to give, and I started grabbing the kids and
hauling them away from there," she said. "They destroyed the house with
everything in it. We didn’t even take one T-shirt for one child."
Samara tried to get out the front door, but found it was blocked by
She handed the children through a side window into a neighbor’s house.
"I was so furious I wanted to make a suicide bomb and use it on them,"
said. "I picked up a cylinder of cooking gas to carry with me so I could
blow it up. I was so scared I was screaming. I thought I was going to
"When I picked up the cylinder my daughter said, ‘Mom, don’t do it! For
God’s sake don’t do it!’"
The second house provided little respite. An hour after they took refuge
there, the bulldozer came again. They fled to a third house; it came
attack from missiles fired by helicopter gunships.
"From 12 p.m. to 3 p.m. we ran from bedroom to bathroom to kitchen,
we thought was safest to go. The children became sick from fear and
vomiting," Samara said.
They finally emerged waving white scarves. By that time, with residents
the two other houses having joined the group, they counted nearly 30
and children. The soldiers held them for three hours, then let them go,
An untold number of people were buried by tanks and bulldozers under the
rubble of their own homes in Jenin. Reporters and human rights workers
reported seeing piles of rubble under which wafted the stench of rotting
corpses. Given Israel’s closing off of Jenin after its assault and its
rebuff, with U.S. acquiescence, of a UN inspection team, we will likely
never know the full extent of Israel’s war crimes in Jenin.
"Without delay’ means without delay. It means now."
–National Security Adviser Condoleezza Rice, April 7, 2002.26
Defenders of George W. Bush like to talk about how "plain spoken,"
and "direct" he is. But apparently the terms "without delay," "now," and
"immediately" have eluded the president and his good friend Ariel Sharon.
But even when Colin Powell and George Bush were finally pressured on
into calling for an end to Sharon’s brutal assault, "Israel’s West Bank
offensive continued unabated . . . as the government of Ariel Sharon
to beat what was seen as a warning," the Financial Times reported. "I’m
sure that we have to be concerned," one Israeli official said of the Bush
call for Israel to pull back.27 Indeed, Israel escalated its attacks and
entered new Palestinian population centers after Bush’s statement. When
sent Powell to meet with the Israeli government, Powell communicated the
urgency of his visit by flying to Morocco, Egypt, Spain and Jordan,
eventually making his way to Israel on April 11.28 Israel moved into the
largest town in the West Bank, Hebron, on April 29. As of this
May–Israel has not fully withdrawn to its pre-March 2002 positions.
The truth is that the Bush Administration has given the green light to
Israel’s assault, calling it "self defense." The Boston Globe quoted a
defense department official saying that Powell delayed his arrival to
for several days in order to allow Israel to complete its offensive.29
"The Palestinians are so blinded by their narcissistic rage that they
lost sight of the basic truth civilization is built on: the sacredness of
every human life, starting with your own."
–Thomas Friedman, New York Times, March 31, 2002.
Friedman, a supporter of Israel and its current war, has no problem with
taking of a few thousand Palestinian lives by Israeli soldiers–in fact he
calls for Israel to "deliver a military blow" to crush the Palestinian
resistance. Friedman is attempting to paint the Palestinian people as
than fully human. Ran HaCohen dissects Freidman’s logic:
Friedman’s focus on suicide bombers is intended to dehumanize the
Palestinians. By blaming Palestinians of carelessness towards "the
sacredness of every human life, starting with your own", Friedman is
claiming that they do not care about their own life. He is then
patronizingly pretending that he does care about their life (more than
do!), and now, having assumed responsibility for the Palestinians,
has a suggestion: "First, Israel needs to deliver a military blow".
Look how easily the great moralist Friedman is translating "the
of every human life" into "a military blow". All in the name of "the
truth civilization is built on" — what else?
The Palestinian struggle is morally justified, even though some of its
manifestations are unjustifiable. Reducing this struggle to the issue of
suicide bombing is just another way of dehumanizing and thus legitimizing
the killing of Palestinians, instead of removing the reasons for their
horrifying desperation (remember Epictetus). Dehumanizing an entire
in the name of the "sacredness of every human life", as Thomas Friedman
done, is an especially repulsive example of demagoguery.30
One need not support the tactic of suicide bombing aimed at killing
citizens–though it isn’t clear why it is more reprehensible than blowing
Palestinians with U.S.-made bombs and missiles–in order to make the
important distinction between the violence of the oppressor (Israel) and
violence of the oppressed (Palestinians). In fact, Sharon, as argued
has deliberately provoked the suicide bombings because he sees them as a
good cover for Israel’s brutal invasion. But it is the purest hypocrisy
attack the Palestinians for using violent means to seek their freedom. If
Israel uses tanks and bombs to invade Palestinian land and homes,
people alive, bombing and strafing their homes, do not Palestinians have
right to use violence in their defense?
"To make it clear that Washington is an honest broker, [Bill] Clinton
‘the Arabs should know that we care just as much about Palestinian kids
as Israeli kids.’"
–Reuters, April 13, 2002.31
Washington is anything but an "honest broker." Palestinian children’s
have never meant anything beside Israeli ones. Regardless of who has been
power in Washington, Israel has been given a blank check by the U.S.
government for decades. Every year, the U.S. sends billions of dollars to
Israel in the form of grants, low-cost loans, and subsidies. No other
country in the world has received as much aid or support. And U.S.
manufacturers are always ready to supply Israel with more weapons. When
Israel bought nine of Boeing’s deadly AH-64D Apache Longbow attack
helicopters in February 2001, the Jerusalem Post noted that Israel "will
paying for the $500 million deal with U.S. military grant money."32 As
St. Louis Post-Dispatch reported in May 1999, "Israel has acquired 260 of
Lockheed’s F-16s over the years, consisting of 210 new planes and 50 used
ones from the U.S. armed forces. That’s the largest fleet of F-16s
in the world outside the U.S. Air Force."33 The Post-Dispatch’s
appeared two months before Israel purchased another 50 F-16s – in a $2.5
billion deal paid for with U.S. funds.
The United States has long committed itself to Israel as a strategic
in the oil-rich and geostrategically crucial Middle East. It gives more
$3 billion a year to Israel, and provides it with invaluable military,
economic, and political backing. (In its fiscal year 2001 budget, the
Department explained "The United States has a significant interest in a
stable, democratic, and economically and militarily strong Israel" and is
committed to "Maintaining the qualitative edge of the Israeli Defense
in the regional balance of power."34) As Noam Chomsky has rightly pointed
out, "It is highly misleading to use the phrase ‘Israel-Palestine
conflict’... [I]t should be termed the ‘U.S./Israel-Palestine’
That description is not only a more accurate way of understanding the
of the problem, but it points to the urgency that activists in the United
States must have to organize a movement to cut off all support the United
States gives to Israel.
1 "Sharon: Israel offensive to continue," Washington Post, April 9, 2002.
2 David Waines, A Sentence of Exile: The Palestine/Israel Conflict
(Wimette, Illinois: The Medina Press, 1977), p. 145.
3 Peter Slevin and Mike Allen, "Bush: Sharon a ‘man of peace’; Israel
‘responded’ to call for pullout," Washington Post, April 19, 2002.
4 James Benet, "What does he want? The enigma that is Sharon," New York
Times, March 17, 2002.
5 James Benet, "Despite violence, settlers survive and spread," New York
Times, April 28, 2002.
6 William Safire, "A talk with Sharon," New York Times, April 1, 2002.
7 Inigo Gilmore, "Sharon plans to annex half the West Bank, say coalition
ally," (London) Daily Telegraph, April 21, 2002.
8 Martin van Creveld, "Sharon’s plan is to drive Palestinians across the
Jordan," (London) Sunday Telegraph, April 28, 2002.
9 Alexander Cockburn, "Sharon or Arafat: Which is the sponsore of
Counterpunch, December 6, 2001, at www.counterpunch.org.
10 James Benet, "Sharon suggests Arafat could go to the Gaza Strip," New
York Times, April 25, 2002.
11 Peter Beaumont, "Ten-day ordeal in crucible of Jenin," Observer
April 14, 2002.
12 Chris Hedges, "Gaza diary," Harper’s Magazine, October 2001, at
13 David Rohde, "Israeli army raids the largest city in the West Bank,"
York Times, April 30, 2002.
14 James Benet and David Rohde, "In rubble of a refugee camp, bitter
for two enemies," New York Times, April 21, 2002.
15 James Bennet, "Israelis besiege a defiant Arafat in his office," New
Times, March 30, 2002; John Kifner and James Bennet, "Israelis increase
Bank forces as Arabs protest," New York Times, April 2, 2002.
16 John Kifner, "Under siege, without power or water," New York Times,
5, 2002; Mark Jurkowitz, "News outlets decry Israel’s coverage limit,"
Boston Globe, April 3, 2002.
17 Harvey Morris, "Israeli invasion ‘Threat to Arab aid scheme,’"
Times, April 5, 2002.
18 "Death of a newborn–Azmut, Nablus District," Updates from the field,
1, 2002, at www.btselem.org.
19 Elizabeth Becker, "Red Cross criticizes attacks on its facilities."
York Times, April 6, 2002; Harvey Morris, "Israeli push continues as U.S.
envoy meets Arafat," Financial Times, April 6—7, 2002.
20 Serge Schmemann, "Israeli armor units continue sweeping through West
Bank," New York Times, April 4, 2002.
21 John Kifner, "In Israel, press kits roll out with tanks," New York
March 30, 200; Kifner and Bennet, "Israelis increase West Bank forces."
22 Edward Alden and Roula Khalaf, "UN envoy calls Jenin destruction
‘horrific,’" Financial Times, April 19, 2002.
23 David Rohde, "Aid groups criticize Israel over rescue effort in
New York Times, April 17, 2002.
24 Suzanne Goldenberg, "Disaster zone hides final death toll," Guardian
(London), April 17, 2002.
25 Lee Hockstader, "Trails of destruction, tales of loss," Washington
April 12, 2002.
26 Wolf Blitzer, interview with Condoleezza Rice, "Late Edition," CNN,
27 Morris, "Israeli push continues"; Edward Alden, Carola Hoyos, and
Morris, "Bush urges Israel to halt offensive in West Bank," Financial
April 5, 2002.
28 Todd S. Purdum, "In Morocco, Powell pleads for Arab help in Mideast,"
York Times, April 9, 2001; Alan Sipress and Keith B. Richburg, "Israel
unbowed as Powell arrives; Military extends offensive into two more
Washington Post, April 12, 2002.
29 Cited in "Merip primer on the Palestinian uprising," April 14, 2002,
30 Ran HaCohen, "Letter from Israel: Suidical truths," April 5, 2002, at
31 Reuters, "Clinton says leaders’ obstinacy is harming Mideast’s
New York Times, April 13, 2002.
32 Arieh O’Sullivan, "US to sell Israel nine Apache Longbow attack
helicopters for $500m," Jerusalem Post, February 21, 2001.
33 Philip Dine and Kyung M. Song, "Boeing looks to Israel for much-needed
F-15 orders," St. Louis Post-Dispatch, May 12, 1999; Bloomberg News,
"Lockheed lands Israeli deal worth $2.5 billion," Los Angeles Times, July
34 Statement by Assistant Secretary Edward S. Walker, Jr., Congressional
Budget Justification for Foreign Operations, Fiscal Year 2001, Office of
Secretary of State, Bureau of Near Eastern Affairs, "Resources, Plans and
Policy U.S. Department of State," March 15, 2000.
35 Noam Chomsky, introduction to The New Intifada: Resisting Israel’s
Apartheid, ed. Roane Carey (New York and London: Verso, 2001), p. 6.